This dissertation analyzes the works of visionary Afrofuturist writer Octavia Estelle Butler, focusing on collapsing binaries of race, gender, time, and space through her representations of dystopia and utopia within the African diaspora. The paradox of her work can be captured in the home-looking or home-going aspect of Sankofa. Sankofa is a metaphor and a philosophical framework rooted in the Akan language and cultural traditions of Ghana on the West Coast of Africa. Sankofa is widely expressed visually in Africa and the diaspora as a female bird with its head turned backward while its feet face forward, carrying a precious egg in its mouth. Sankofa is often associated with the proverb, “Se wo were fi na wosankofa a yenkyi,” which translates as: “It is not wrong to go back for that which you have forgotten.” The idea of “going back for that which you have forgotten” is central to Butler’s relationship to history and her work’s message for future readers. Like this avian image of Sankofa from Ghana, Butler’s speculative fiction, set in the African American past, traces that past to the present. In order to forecast a future that leads to a reverberating demise of dystopian despair, her novels imagine emancipation for Black women. As in the works of her predecessors, nineteenth-century writers like Harriet Wilson, Harriet Jacobs, Zora Neale Hurston, Dorothy West, and Ruth Todd, Butler’s fiction demonstrates the extreme vulnerability of the bodies of Black women, as has been shown in innumerable histories of the Middle Passage, the transatlantic slave trade, colonialism, and other forms of constructed inequalities. Butler’s science fiction may be read as a chronicle of the unrelenting subjugation of the bodies of Black women. However, she insists that these bodies can prevail, but to do that, Black women must engage in perpetual resurrections enabled by intensified embodied experiences that transcend time and space.

This dissertation is about African Americans’ transnational rhetorical and literate social practices of reclaiming Black humanity. To this end, it asks: How is the humanity of African Americans rhetorically constituted in relation to Ghana? To reclaim Black humanity, what do African Americans do down the ground and to what end? For those who turn to Ghana to reclaim their humanity, what do they say they need to learn, and need to unlearn in the process of re-education? What does this re-education make possible? Where do they locate (if any) healing in this process of re-education? Currently, people, including those of African descent, are moving across transnational borders at a rate never seen before. In response, scholars in transnational rhetorical studies such as Rebecca Dingo and Blake Scott have challenged the field to account for the workings of “vectors of power” – colonial histories, nation-state power, and the operations of global capital—in people’s lives (Dingo and Blake 524). In relation to such movement among people of African descent, leaders in Global Black Rhetorics, Ronisha Browdy and Esther Milu, direct special attention to matters of healing, re-education, and the reclamation of Black humanity. Given its own experiences of brutal colonial histories of chattel slavery, resource exploitation, and current economic challenges, the nation-state of Ghana has become a contested transnational site to theorize African Americans’ inventive practices of negotiating these globalized forces which continue to dehumanize them in multiple ways. Heeding the call of cultural icons including W.E.B. Du Bois, Malcolm X, and Maya Angelou to “return home” to Ghana, the participants in this study enact everyday rhetorical and literate social practices such as taking Indigenous Ghanaian names, wearing Indigenous clothing, and engaging in somatic practices at contested historic sites. This dissertation has sought to honor these difficult and yet necessary rhetorical and literate social practices that African Americans deploy on-the-ground in Ghana to achieve their purposes of making a homeplace conducive for their humanity, honoring their ancestral heritage, re-educating themselves, and healing from epistemic and ontological harm as feats towards reclaiming Black humanity. In honoring these rhetorical and literate social practices of African Americans returning home to Ghana, I invoked bell hooks’ concept of homeplace and African philosophical and epistemic concepts of Ubuntu relationality and Sankofa. And yet the call to return home is not without its challenges–challenges that underscore the contributions of participatory rhetorical research in such transnationally complex domains.

My dissertation contributes to the field of rhetoric and composition by introducing “folk pedagogy,” a pedagogical approach grounded in rhetorical theory that effectively prepares students to write for public audiences. This pedagogical theory answers calls from scholars of rhetoric and composition for teaching in a manner that encourages civic engagement. Folk pedagogy is a pedagogical approach that views folk music as a metaphor for public writing in order to prepare students to write impactfully on social issues. The approach is derived from my analysis of the folk music of Bob Dylan and Odetta, in which I utilize close textual analysis in order to better understand the ways in which their music was able to constitute activist communities around the civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s. Through this analysis, I argue that Bob Dylan and Odetta constituted audiences through appeals to American civic identity, including references to travel across U.S. landscapes and rearrangement of traditional American folk songs. In making this argument, I engage the scholarship of Gregory Clark, Michael Calvin McGee, Maurice Charland, and Rachel Donaldson, among others. I then use this analysis to build folk pedagogy, a subgenre of writing for publics that uses folk music as a metaphor for public writing in order to effectively prepare students to engage audiences through composition. In creating this approach to teaching composition, I draw on the work of scholars such as Brian Gogan and Laurie Gries. This pedagogical approach is inspired by my own teaching experiences in both the university and prison setting and is therefore designed in a manner that is accessible and adaptable for different learning contexts. Finally, I share a syllabus that engages folk pedagogy at the university level. Through this dissertation, I hope to inspire other educators to adapt folk pedagogy for their own classrooms. I also aim to extend our field’s understanding of the civil rights movement by drawing attention to the essential role that folk music played in constituting activist communities around it.

This thesis examines the rhetorical relationship between migrant death and American culture, with an emphasis on how postmortem treatment of the deceased gives shape to anti-migrant attitudes. By isolating one instance of death on the border and considering the discourse that ensued in the following two months, this research assesses mechanisms of a rhetoric of death (necrorhetoric) as they relate to sociopolitical constructions of the migrant. The political apparatus of the State as a natural extension of biopower confers upon it the authority to produce sacred life or bare life (homo sacer). This process of production creates conditions of being which precede the potential to kill without allegation of murder, constructs the content of sovereign power, and results in a social sense-making, or public doxa, that informs cultural values and justifies collective attitudes. As the process is perfected, meticulous and calculated demonstrations of force become a crucial exercise of sovereignty. Efforts to enforce and maintain control of the border develop into increasingly streamlined methods, placing the state on an incremental trajectory of power that inaugurates ritualized and state sanctioned violence. The aggrieved take on a sociopolitical role that renders their lives less than fully human, allowing further alienation and segregation to occur. The desire to maintain sovereign power is the typifying force around which United States history has been shaped, and this desire continues to inform contemporary American policy. Analysis of legal, presidential, and news documents pertaining to the deaths of Oscar Martinez Ramirez and his twenty-three-month-old daughter, Valeria, reveals a network of rhetorical maneuvering that gives evidence of a necropolitical environment defined by its intentional and obscure brutality.

“Between the beginning of the New Deal era in 1932 and its end in 1968, the Democratic share of the presidential vote skidded from 90 per cent to 26 per cent in the Deep South and from 77 per cent to 32 per cent in the Outer South. ” In 1969, Kevin Phillips’ The Emerging Republican Majority, noted the South’s decreasing support of Democratic presidential candidates by the mid-20th century. It marked a significant transformation. Since the end of Reconstruction, the South had a key role in the Democratic Party. The South along with organized labor and African Americans composed Franklin Roosevelt’s “New Deal coalition.” Formed in 1932, the New Deal coalition formed the basis of the Democratic Party’s support up until the 1960s. However, the party’s focus on civil rights under John Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson caused disaffected Southern conservatives to abandon the party. Many favored Barry Goldwater for president in 1964 and George Wallace in 1968. Recognizing the disaffection after his victory in 1968, Richard Nixon hoped to draw Wallace voters into the Republican Party’s fold. Nixon’s “Southern Strategy” for the 1970 midterm elections saw appeals made directly to Southern conservatives, hoping that the ensuing reactionary backlash translated into Republican midterm gains. In a final analysis, Nixon’s “Southern Strategy” had minimal effect on the 1970 midterm elections. Of all the various races that the Nixon administration involved itself in, the only Southern Democrat to lose their Senate seat was Albert Gore in Tennessee, losing to Nixon supported Bill Brock. While the 1970 election resulted in only a few Republican gains, it highlighted the Democratic Party’s growing irreconcilable differences between its Southern liberals and conservatives. Analysis of individual Senate campaigns during the midterm elections showcase the South’s ongoing political realignment, foreshadowing the region’s defection to the Republican Party during the Reagan era of the 1980s.

This thesis focuses on the nine-page diary present in Ernest J. Gaines’, A Lesson Before Dying. The diary is the only real form of communication from Jefferson, a young African American man who was sentenced to death for a crime he did not commit. After being stripped of his manhood while on trial, it became a group effort to assist this man in regaining his manhood. In this thesis, the diary became the topic of focus and was examined to see why it had such an important role in the novel. Separated into three chapters, each looking at specific moments and people that helped the diary come to fruition. The first chapter focuses on key moments that helped influence the diary. The second chapter focuses specifically on the content of the diary and dissects the entries. Lastly, the third chapter focuses on the effects of the diary not on the main character but to those involved in his journey. Thus, the thesis becomes centered on answering why a nine-page chapter in the African American Vernacular English uncovered one’s manhood and ultimately defines his journey to death.

This dissertation theorizes Bad Faith Rhetorics, or, rhetorical gestures that work to derail, block, or otherwise stymy knowledge-building efforts. This work explores the ways that interventions against existing social hierarchies (i.e., feminist and antiracist interventions) build knowledge (that is, are epistemologically active), and the ways that bad faith rhetorics derail such interventions. This dissertation demonstrates how bad faith rhetorics function to defend the status quo, with its social stratification by race, gender, class, and other intersectional axes of identity. Bad faith argumentative maneuvers are abundant in online environments. Consequently, this dissertation offers two case studies of the comment sections of two TED Talks: Mellody Hobson’s “Color Blind or Color Brave?” and Juno Mac’s “The Laws that Sex Workers Really Want.” The central analyses deploy online ethnographic field methods and close reading to characterize bad faith rhetorical responses and to identify 1.) trends in such responses, 2.) the net effects on other conversational participants, and 3.) bad faith rhetoric mitigation strategies. This work engages Sartre’s work on Bad Faith, rhetoric scholarship on the knowledge-building affordances of argument, public sphere theory, critical race studies, and feminist scholarship. This dissertation’s theorization and case studies illustrate the pitfalls of specific counterproductive argumentative tactics that block progress toward more equitable ways of being (bad faith rhetorics), and makes several preliminary recommendations for mitigating such moves.

The purpose of this essay is to determine how the narratives of veterans who served in combat roles during the Vietnam War have affected how historians have written about the war. First, this project will briefly cover the history of the general public’s view of the war and it’s veterans, looking at how feelings towards Vietnam War veterans have shifted over the past fifty years. Next, this project will analyze two books about the Vietnam War that focus primarily on the veteran experience, rather than on the internal politics of the United States and Vietnam or on the successes or failures of battle, and determine the extent to which these books contribute to public understanding of the war. This essay will then determine the role memory plays in crafting these narratives and how historians have an obligation to include or at least consider the complex perspectives of veterans and their families when they write on topics as controversial as warfare.

This dissertation examines racism as discourse and works to explicate, through the examination of historical and contemporary texts, the ways in which racism is maintained and perpetuated in the United States. The project critiques the use of generalized categories, such as alt-right, as an anti-racist tactic and notes that these rigid categories are problematic because they cannot account for the dynamic and rapidly changing nature of racist discourse. The dissertation argues that racist discourse that is categorized as mainstream and fringe both rely upon a fundamental framework of rhetorical strategies that have long been ingrained into the social and political fabric of the United States and are based on the foundational system of white supremacy. The project discusses two of these strategies—projection and stasis diffusion—in case studies that examine their use in texts throughout American history and in mainstream and fringe media. “Everyday White Supremacy” contributes to important academic and societal conversations concerning the how the academy and the public use category to address racism, anti-racist practices, and rhetorical understandings of racist discourse. The project argues for shift away from the use of categorical naming to identify racist groups and people towards the practice of identifying racism as discourse, particularly through its rhetorical strategies. This paradigm shift would encourage scholars, and the general population, to identify racism via the processes by which it is propagated rather than its existence within a person or group

From 1962-1968, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. was the target of an FBI surveillance campaign, led by then-director, J. Edgar Hoover. The FBI claimed that this campaign was necessary, to expose the communist influence within the civil rights movement, but this was a lie. I argue that, instead, the purpose of the surveillance was so that the Bureau could attempt to ruin Dr. King's reputation by collecting incriminating evidence about his personal life. I believe that the Bureau embarked on this campaign against Dr. King in order to maintain the United States' white supremacist racial hierarchy by neutralizing a prominent black activist. Further, I believe that today, there is the potential for the FBI to take. In order to argue this, I analyze different aspects of the Bureau's campaign against Dr. King. First, I discuss Hoover's fascination with and hatred of Dr. King. Throughout the six years this thesis focuses on, Hoover repeatedly took actions against King that went far beyond what was necessary or appropriate for an anti-Communism campaign. I argue that this is because Hoover's true goal was to damage King's reputation as much as possible, not discover if he was a communist. Second, I examine the Bureau's surveillance of Stanley Levison, one of King's closest aides. Levison was, for a time, a suspected communist. This gave the Bureau's campaign some initial legitimacy, and eventually led to the Bureau's official spy campaign against Dr. King. Next, I analyze the FBI's use of technological surveillance methods against King. The Bureau's patterns of microphone and wiretap use in their campaign against King further suggest that the intent of such actions was merely to gather information to injure King's reputation with the public. Fourth, I discuss the Bureau's use of informants to keep tabs on King's actions and plan. More specifically, I discuss Ernest Columbus Withers, a black photographer who served as an FBI informant. Finally, I argue that there is potential for the FBI to take similar actions against today's black activists. To make this point, I analyze the wording of an FBI memo made public last year. In this memo, the FBI warns of a domestic terror threat known as "Black Identity Extremists." I argue that the FBI's definition of these extremists is purposely vague, and could feasibly be applied to any black activist. Because of this, I believe there is potential for modern activists to be subjected to the same kind of harassment Dr. King endured in the 1960's. Those who cannot remember the past are doomed to repeat it, and this thesis serves as a reminder that there are forces who would stifle the First Amendment to maintain the status quo.