Matching Items (14)
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This research is about urban homeless people's vulnerability to extreme temperatures and the related socio-spatial dynamics. Specifically, this research investigates heat related coping strategies homeless people use and how the urban environment setting impacts those coping strategies. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with homeless people in Phoenix, Arizona during

This research is about urban homeless people's vulnerability to extreme temperatures and the related socio-spatial dynamics. Specifically, this research investigates heat related coping strategies homeless people use and how the urban environment setting impacts those coping strategies. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with homeless people in Phoenix, Arizona during the summer of 2010. The findings demonstrate that homeless people have a variety of coping strategies and the urban environment setting unjustly impacts those strategies. The results suggest a need for further studies that focus spatial environmental effects on homeless people and other vulnerable populations.
ContributorsSanchez, Cory (Author) / Johnson, John M. (Thesis advisor) / Harlan, Sharon L (Committee member) / Lauderdale, Pat (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2011
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Over the past decades, Colombian society has endured the impact of a longstanding political conflict among different actors and outrageous expressions of violence, especially among left wing guerrillas, right wing paramilitary groups and the state government. Drawing on socio-legal studies in transitional justice and human rights, this research attempts to

Over the past decades, Colombian society has endured the impact of a longstanding political conflict among different actors and outrageous expressions of violence, especially among left wing guerrillas, right wing paramilitary groups and the state government. Drawing on socio-legal studies in transitional justice and human rights, this research attempts to analyze the recent experience of transitional justice in Colombia. The main purpose of this research is to understand how political, institutional and social actors, especially the government, the courts, the human rights and transitional justice NGOs, and victims associations, frame the mechanisms of transitional justice and use legal instruments to transform the conflict and reach what they consider "justice." It also attempts to understand the relations between politics and law in the context of a hegemonic discourse of security and give account of the expressions of resistance of human rights networks. In doing so, this research advances theory on literature about law and society and transitional justice by means of applying and expanding the theoretical framework of socio-legal research via the process of transitional justice in Colombia. The dissertation presents information gathered in the field in Colombia between July 2009 and July 2010 through a qualitative research design based on document analysis and in-depth interviews with members of different international and domestic human rights organizations, victims' organizations and national institutions. The research explains how these organizations combined political and legal actions in order to contest a project of security, and more specifically a project of impunity that came from negotiations with the paramilitary groups. The research also explains how the human rights networks not only mobilized internationally to gain political support from the international community, but also how these organizations contributed to transform the political debate about victims' rights. The research also explains how the human rights organizations and victims' groups articulated the global discourse on human rights and the local and domestic meanings constructed by the emerging movements of victims. Finally, the research analyses the relevance of legal practices consisting on strategic use of law in order to protect the victims of human rights violations.
ContributorsGomez Sanchez, Gabriel (Author) / Lauderdale, Pat (Thesis advisor) / Vanna, Gonzales (Committee member) / Ladawn, Haglund (Committee member) / Jeffrey, Juris (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2011
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In The Archive and the Repertoire, Diana Taylor discusses how performance, gestures, resistances within a community holds an embodied memory and enacts the transmission of knowledge within that community. Taylor discusses how this embodied memory is alternative to the written archive of history, history of interaction, history of meaning, history

In The Archive and the Repertoire, Diana Taylor discusses how performance, gestures, resistances within a community holds an embodied memory and enacts the transmission of knowledge within that community. Taylor discusses how this embodied memory is alternative to the written archive of history, history of interaction, history of meaning, history of language. Through the consideration of performance, Taylor urges her reader to reconsider oral and performative transmission of culture, knowledge, customs, traditions, and resistance. This project considers whether this reconsideration can be extended or expanded to oral and performative transmission of law within a community. Specifically, this research explores the conflict between the project of nationality and the reality of social organizing on a community/collective level. It asserts that this conflict is manifested most dramatically within border communities. The dissertation examines how the role of written law in the borderlands divides land and inhabitants and reconstructs a new understanding of the borderlands through oral histories and resistance by border communities. The overall goal of the dissertation is to challenge current scholarship to address the conceptual and sociopolitical task of a world in which legal representations and abstractions supersede the complex reality of community relations. As legal anthropologist Sally Falk Moore identified, we must consider carefully whether or not law controls the social context and what this means for our own definitions of community, what are the boundaries and borders of communities, and the seemingly limitedness of social interaction that becomes based on such legal definitions. The dissertation analyzes the defining disconnect of law from the social context that manifests itself amongst border communities along the U.S.-Mexico border. By exploring how law creates, sustains, molds, and connects the phenomenon of sovereignty, economy, and international borders, we can begin to understand how actions of border communities along the U.S.-Mexico border define the disconnect of law from the social context by redefining community itself.
ContributorsNatividad, Nicholas (Author) / Lauderdale, Pat (Thesis advisor) / Quan, Helen T. (Thesis advisor) / Gomez, Alan E. (Committee member) / Tsosie, Rebecca (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2012
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Through a brief analysis of punishment theory as well as the history of punishment in the United States, this work will focus on the current state of the punishment system that is characterized by a recent era of mass incarceration. The policies of mass incarceration coupled with economic downturns, has

Through a brief analysis of punishment theory as well as the history of punishment in the United States, this work will focus on the current state of the punishment system that is characterized by a recent era of mass incarceration. The policies of mass incarceration coupled with economic downturns, has led to the emergence of an extremely profitable private prison industry. The prominence of this industry raises questions of legitimacy as well as questions of the interests that are being represented through apparent legislative manipulation via a powerful lobby. As with past eras of punishment, this current era that is characterized by policies of mass incarceration will presumably end in the future as the economic, political and social sensibilities shift. This project concludes with an analysis of possible strategies of reform and decarceration that may characterize the future of the punishment system in the United States.
ContributorsSoronson, Jason William (Author) / Sigler, Mary (Thesis director) / Lauderdale, Pat (Committee member) / McGregor, Joan (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / School of Social Transformation (Contributor) / W. P. Carey School of Business (Contributor)
Created2013-05
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I will demonstrate through analysis that the effectiveness of music in social movements relies in large part on two unique elements: authenticity and collective action. I will then argue that these elements are antithetic to the actual conditions of music production as the 21st century progresses in America. While this

I will demonstrate through analysis that the effectiveness of music in social movements relies in large part on two unique elements: authenticity and collective action. I will then argue that these elements are antithetic to the actual conditions of music production as the 21st century progresses in America. While this paper does not explore the possible effectiveness of movements without music, I emphasize the well documented ((Futrell, et. al. (2006), (Roy, 2010), (Dyck, 2017)) link between music and social movements, and conclude that this relationship between music and social movements is in danger.
ContributorsCochlin, Fallon Julia (Author) / Fette, Don (Thesis director) / Lauderdale, Pat (Committee member) / Historical, Philosophical & Religious Studies (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2020-05
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From 1962-1968, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. was the target of an FBI surveillance campaign, led by then-director, J. Edgar Hoover. The FBI claimed that this campaign was necessary, to expose the communist influence within the civil rights movement, but this was a lie. I argue that, instead, the purpose

From 1962-1968, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. was the target of an FBI surveillance campaign, led by then-director, J. Edgar Hoover. The FBI claimed that this campaign was necessary, to expose the communist influence within the civil rights movement, but this was a lie. I argue that, instead, the purpose of the surveillance was so that the Bureau could attempt to ruin Dr. King's reputation by collecting incriminating evidence about his personal life. I believe that the Bureau embarked on this campaign against Dr. King in order to maintain the United States' white supremacist racial hierarchy by neutralizing a prominent black activist. Further, I believe that today, there is the potential for the FBI to take. In order to argue this, I analyze different aspects of the Bureau's campaign against Dr. King. First, I discuss Hoover's fascination with and hatred of Dr. King. Throughout the six years this thesis focuses on, Hoover repeatedly took actions against King that went far beyond what was necessary or appropriate for an anti-Communism campaign. I argue that this is because Hoover's true goal was to damage King's reputation as much as possible, not discover if he was a communist. Second, I examine the Bureau's surveillance of Stanley Levison, one of King's closest aides. Levison was, for a time, a suspected communist. This gave the Bureau's campaign some initial legitimacy, and eventually led to the Bureau's official spy campaign against Dr. King. Next, I analyze the FBI's use of technological surveillance methods against King. The Bureau's patterns of microphone and wiretap use in their campaign against King further suggest that the intent of such actions was merely to gather information to injure King's reputation with the public. Fourth, I discuss the Bureau's use of informants to keep tabs on King's actions and plan. More specifically, I discuss Ernest Columbus Withers, a black photographer who served as an FBI informant. Finally, I argue that there is potential for the FBI to take similar actions against today's black activists. To make this point, I analyze the wording of an FBI memo made public last year. In this memo, the FBI warns of a domestic terror threat known as "Black Identity Extremists." I argue that the FBI's definition of these extremists is purposely vague, and could feasibly be applied to any black activist. Because of this, I believe there is potential for modern activists to be subjected to the same kind of harassment Dr. King endured in the 1960's. Those who cannot remember the past are doomed to repeat it, and this thesis serves as a reminder that there are forces who would stifle the First Amendment to maintain the status quo.
ContributorsWilson, Bryan (Author) / Davis, T. J. (Thesis director) / Miller, Keith (Committee member) / Lauderdale, Pat (Committee member) / Department of Psychology (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2018-12
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Injection drug use can result in a variety of negative health complications, many of which are caused or exacerbated through reuse and/or sharing of used injection equipment such as syringes, cookers, cottons, etc. The purpose of this thesis is to review the impact of the lack of resources such as

Injection drug use can result in a variety of negative health complications, many of which are caused or exacerbated through reuse and/or sharing of used injection equipment such as syringes, cookers, cottons, etc. The purpose of this thesis is to review the impact of the lack of resources such as needle exchange programs (NEPs) and general access to syringes on intravenous drug users in Maricopa County. This review is placed within the larger context to contrast with increased access to sterile syringes in major cities of the United States where there have been policies implemented aiming at harm reduction models of community outreach such as NEPs. To supplement this policy analysis, I conducted seven interviews and analyzed interview data to provide personal insights from the perspectives of users. I also surveyed nine current injection drug users, asking them questions about their use of syringes. Increasing awareness of the perspectives of injection drug users and the harms associated with intravenous drug use, especially when drug users are unable to access sterile, new syringes will help to facilitate increased access to harm reduction resources and reduce stigma.
ContributorsRussell, Danielle M. (Author) / Quan, H. L. T. (Thesis director) / Lauderdale, Pat (Committee member) / School of Social Transformation (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2017-05
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ABSTRACT This research analyzes the testimonies of eleven women survivors of state terrorism and genocide from several different regions of the world in an effort to glean the patterns that emerge from their lived experiences. Women often have been targeted and used instrumentally in political violence by states.

ABSTRACT This research analyzes the testimonies of eleven women survivors of state terrorism and genocide from several different regions of the world in an effort to glean the patterns that emerge from their lived experiences. Women often have been targeted and used instrumentally in political violence by states. Yet, when it comes to nation-building, national narratives and identities, their voices are excluded. Data were collected from archival interviews with women survivors and one case-study interview conducted with a survivor recruited for this study, as a cross-check backdrop to compare similarities and differences in contexts and experiences. Four dominant themes appear to emerge across interviews: gendered violence; internalization/reproduction of gender roles; identity relationship to national narrative; and perception of perpetrators. The case-study participant interview revealed disconfirming evidence across themes, suggesting that sense of belonging may be an important facet of national identity which needs further exploration. Relationships between women’s experiences of state terror, genocide, national narrative construction, and nation-building are examined. Suggestions for future research include the need for expanded survivor demographic information, increased in-person interviews, and similar work centered on women perpetrators of state terror and genocide, as well as men’s experiences of state terror and genocide. Keywords: state terrorism; genocide; women; gender; nation-building; social hierarchy
ContributorsMoio-Johnson, Hadley (Author) / Oliverio, Annamarie (Thesis advisor) / Lauderdale, Pat (Committee member) / Yellow Horse, Aggie (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2022
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Since the late-19th century, academic researchers, nonprofits, and law enforcement have organized in coalition to combat the problem of human trafficking in the United States, while distorting the social consequences of their interventions. This dissertation is an ethnographic and historical examination of the anti-trafficking movement in Arizona. In addition to

Since the late-19th century, academic researchers, nonprofits, and law enforcement have organized in coalition to combat the problem of human trafficking in the United States, while distorting the social consequences of their interventions. This dissertation is an ethnographic and historical examination of the anti-trafficking movement in Arizona. In addition to conducting archival research, data was collected through direct observations of academics, local nonprofit leaders, and law enforcement at anti-trafficking events that were open to the public. By examining vast, invisible anti-trafficking coalitions in Arizona from the 20th century to today, it becomes clear that coalitions garner power and profit by facilitating the criminalization of sex workers and offering support for other groups, most notably Mormon polygamists, whose religious practices can be tantamount to trafficking. Combining Charles Mills’ (2007) concept of white ignorance and the nonprofit industrial complex (INCITE!, 2009), this study draws on literature from critical race theory and feminist theory to interrogate how Christo-fascist discourses of the 19th century white slavery movement continue to guide anti-trafficking coalitions in the contemporary United States. As a social formation in which bourgeois white women have always held influence, this exploration of anti-trafficking activism pivots around political, economic, and cultural conceptions of white Christian women’s capacity to reproduce the white race in the United States which has been since its foundation a Christian nation. In turn, there is limited scope and depth of awareness about the complexity of race, gender, class, agency, in relation to the problems associated with trafficking in Short Creek, Arizona, as well as the interventions that were implemented in response to human trafficking following the reign of Fundamentalist Latter-Day Saints’ Prophet, Warren Jeffs. In documenting and analyzing the organizing strategies of professional actors responding to human trafficking between 2016-2021, results generated from this research suggest that the anti-trafficking movement’s discourses are steeped in contradiction, to the effect of reproducing racial capitalism and necessitating the eradication of the trafficking framework. It reveals how the differential treatment of agency among trafficking victims in different communities, whether the women and children in polygamous families, or sex workers in Phoenix, has enabled their ongoing exploitation.
ContributorsDunn, Molly E. (Author) / Lee, Charles T (Thesis advisor) / Lauderdale, Pat (Committee member) / Musto, Jennifer L (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2023
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The utopian impulse represents hope for another world; a reflection of the injustices inherent to the hegemonic order that are understood as natural, necessary, desirable, and unchangeable. Those who challenge this orthodoxy are heretical utopians; pioneers of the counterintuitive who explore the types of relations that rather than reproduce the

The utopian impulse represents hope for another world; a reflection of the injustices inherent to the hegemonic order that are understood as natural, necessary, desirable, and unchangeable. Those who challenge this orthodoxy are heretical utopians; pioneers of the counterintuitive who explore the types of relations that rather than reproduce the dominant order, shatter it, and manifest new ones based upon principles of justice. This project explores how ideological mechanisms of control embedded within the hegemonic fascist imaginary landscape of the United States render the visions of emancipatory social movements, that challenge dominant ways of knowing and being, as the "merely utopian" so as to instrumentalize the behavior of civil-society towards the maintenance of the established social order and the suppression of alternatives (Gordon 2004). In a rapidly changing world reeling under the pressures of late-stage capitalism, it is essential for those who value social and political justice to incessantly cultivate the cultural imaginary so as to shift the boundaries of what types of social relations are possible, feasible, and desirable through the process of struggle in heretical spaces.
ContributorsBrown, Andrew (Author) / Quan, H.L.T. (Thesis advisor) / Lauderdale, Pat (Committee member) / Romero, Mary (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2015