Matching Items (123)
Description
Hollywood's portrayal of African American men was replete with negative stereotypes before Shelton Jackson Lee, commonly known as Spike Lee, emerged as one of the most creative and provocative filmmakers of our time. Lee has used his films to perform a corrective history of images of black men, by referencing African American male icons in his narrative works. This strategy was evident in his third feature film, Do the Right Thing (1989). Baseball great Jackie Robinson, and freedom fighters, Martin Luther King, Jr. and Malcolm X, were the black male icons featured prominently in the film. The Brooklyn-raised filmmaker's film journals, published interviews, and companion books, have provided insight into his thoughts, motivations, and inspirations, as he detailed the impact of the black male historical figures he profiles in Do the Right Thing (1989), on his life and art. Lee deployed his corrective history strategy, during the 1980s, to reintroduce African American heroes to black youth in an effort to correct media portrayals of black men as criminal and delinquent. He challenged the dominant narrative in mainstream Hollywood films, such as Cry Freedom (1987) and Mississippi Burning (1989), in which white heroes overshadowed black male icons. Lee's work parallels recent scholarship on the history of African American males, as called for by Darlene Clarke Hine and Ernestine Jenkins. The prolific director's efforts to radically change stereotypical depictions of black men through film, has not gone without criticisms. He has been accused of propagating essentialist notions of black male identity, through his use of African American male icons in his films. Despite these alleged shortcomings, Lee's reintroduction of iconic figures such as Jackie Robinson, Martin Luther King, Jr. and Malcolm X, in Do the Right Thing (1989), marked the beginning of a wave of commemorative efforts, that included the retiring of Robinson's number forty-two by Major League Baseball, the popularization of the Martin Luther King National Holiday, and the rise of Malcolm X as a icon embraced by Hip Hop during the 1990's.
ContributorsHotep, Lasana (Author) / Whitaker, Matthew C. (Thesis advisor) / Davis, Thomas J. (Committee member) / Simpson, Brooks (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2012
Description
About one in ten refugees from the American Revolution was African-descended, and unlike many white Loyalists fleeing war in the thirteen mainland North American colonies, black Loyalists were people without a country. Most were fleeing slavery in Virginia or the Carolinas, yet not fully able to claim to be British subjects, despite many heeding the call to join British forces. Among the 40,000 Loyalists who departed, around 3,500 black Loyalists evacuated from the newly founded United States between the years of 1776 and 1785. I hope to evaluate the movement patterns and thought process behind this particular group with what choices they ultimately had after the war using Dunmore’s Proclamation as a means to freedom. These black Loyalists faced the difficult decision in choosing what identity they would side with once they left. These former slaves ultimately had to choose between becoming forced migrants with the losing side of the war or staying with the winning side of the war as people bound by chains. Although there were a multitude of fascinating tales that could be told through the lens of these black Loyalists, one particular family caught my eye within my research. This story is the journey of the Fortune family who chose to run away from American slavery to migrate to Nova Scotia. Their story will grant me access to analyze the extreme discrimination families met as they fled, the contempt the new colonies felt against them, as well as the evolution of their societal roles as some of these immigrants integrated into their new country and became accepted as respected individuals. Furthermore, their tale aided me in understanding what caused some emigrant black Loyalists to stay in Nova Scotia despite the hardships they faced as outsiders who were unwelcome from the perspective of native white Nova Scotians.
ContributorsNanez-Krause, Michael L (Author) / Schermerhorn, Calvin J. (Thesis director) / Barnes, Andrew (Committee member) / Historical, Philosophical & Religious Studies (Contributor, Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2020-05
Description
As of 2019, 30 US states have adopted abortion-specific informed consent laws that require state health departments to develop and disseminate written informational materials to patients seeking an abortion. Abortion is the only medical procedure for which states dictate the content of informed consent counseling. State abortion counseling materials have been criticized for containing inaccurate and misleading information, but overall, informed consent laws for abortion do not often receive national attention. The objective of this project was to determine the importance of informed consent laws to achieving the larger goal of dismantling the right to abortion. I found that informed consent counseling materials in most states contain a full timeline of fetal development, along with information about the risks of abortion, the risks of childbirth, and alternatives to abortion. In addition, informed consent laws for abortion are based on model legislation called the “Women’s Right to Know Act” developed by Americans United for Life (AUL). AUL calls itself the legal architect of the pro-life movement and works to pass laws at the state level that incrementally restrict abortion access so that it gradually becomes more difficult to exercise the right to abortion established by Roe v. Wade. The “Women’s Right to Know Act” is part of a larger package of model legislation called the “Women’s Protection Project,” a cluster of laws that place restrictions on abortion providers, purportedly to protect women, but actually to decrease abortion access. “Women’s Right to Know” counseling laws do not directly deny access to abortion, but they do reinforce key ideas important to the anti-abortion movement, like the concept of fetal personhood, distrust in medical professionals, the belief that pregnant people cannot be fully autonomous individuals, and the belief that abortion is not an ordinary medical procedure and requires special government oversight. “Women’s Right to Know” laws use the language of informed consent and the purported goal of protecting women to legitimize those ideas, and in doing so, they significantly undermine the right to abortion. The threat to abortion rights posed by laws like the “Women’s Right to Know” laws indicates the need to reevaluate and strengthen our ethical defense of the right to abortion.
ContributorsVenkatraman, Richa (Author) / Maienschein, Jane (Thesis director) / Brian, Jennifer (Thesis director) / Abboud, Carolina (Committee member) / Historical, Philosophical & Religious Studies (Contributor) / School of Life Sciences (Contributor, Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2020-05
Description
The Phoenix Coyotes entered bankruptcy and NHL stewardship in 2009 because of poor initial planning, short-sighted private ownership, and geographical constraints associated with the team's location in Glendale. The subsequent sale process extended from 2009-2013 and included multiple potential suitors, municipal politics, and international finance as the NHL fought to keep the troubled franchise in Phoenix.
ContributorsPorter, Brendan Francis (Author) / Simpson, Brooks (Thesis director) / Lynch, John (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / School of Historical, Philosophical and Religious Studies (Contributor)
Created2014-12
Description
This paper seeks to emphasize how the presence of uncertainty, speculation and leverage work in concert within the stock market to exacerbate crashes in a cyclical market. It analyzes three major stock market events: the crash of Oct. 19, 1987, “Black Monday;” the dotcom bust, from 1999 to 2002; and the subprime mortgage crisis, from 2007 to 2010. Within each event period I define determinants or measurements of uncertainty, speculation. Analysis of how these three concepts functioned during boom and bust will highlight how their presence can amplify the magnitude of a crash. This paper postulates that the amount of leverage during a crash determines how long-term its effects will be. This theory is fortified by extensive research and interviews with experts in the stock market who had a front row view of the discussed crises.
ContributorsGraff, Veronica Camille (Author) / Leckey, Andrew (Thesis director) / Cohen, Sarah (Committee member) / Historical, Philosophical & Religious Studies (Contributor) / Walter Cronkite School of Journalism & Mass Comm (Contributor, Contributor) / Dean, W.P. Carey School of Business (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2019-05
Description
The thesis reviews the historiography of American Populism in the late 19th century, through an evaluation of Richard Hofstadter’s thesis presented in The Age of Reform and The Paranoid Style in American Politics. Though Hofstadter related the Populist movement to proto-fascism, racism, paranoia, and jingoism, many historians before and after the publication of The Age of Reform have objected and presented a more positive view of Populism. By examining the lives and careers of three of Hofstadter’s primary examples of Populists—Mary Lease, Ignatius Donnelly, and Thomas E. Watson—the author proves that Hofstadter’s own evidence does not support his thesis. Though Hofstadter is certainly correct about some aspects of the Populist movement, including their tendency to engage in conspiracy, his claim that Populism is heavily characterized by racism is not borne out by the facts. The Populists studied are each unique individuals, with their own eccentricities and deviances from the larger Populist movement, and each must be considered within the context of their own lives and their own time. In the case of Tom Watson, for instance, Hofstadter’s quotes date to a point in Watson’s life where his beliefs could no longer be considered representative of the Populist movement. Major parts of Hofstadter’s evidence—including Mary Lease’s The Problem of Civilization Solved—were not influential or widely read within the Populist movement. The paper attempts to sort out what parts of Hofstadter’s evidence are valid, what parts are divorced from their proper context, and which parts are contrary to his actual thesis, through the format of three biographical chapters.
ContributorsBonfiglio, Anthony Harris (Author) / Barth, Jonathan (Thesis director) / Critchlow, Donald (Committee member) / Historical, Philosophical & Religious Studies (Contributor, Contributor) / School of International Letters and Cultures (Contributor, Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2019-05
Description
Devils on Taylor is a creative project that explores the role social media plays in
establishing traditions in the current digital landscape. Contemporary marketing
practices adhere to formulaic social media campaigns that we wanted to experiment
within establishing the tailgate event, Devils on Taylor, as a tradition on the Arizona
State University Downtown Phoenix campus. Drawing inspiration from established
traditions on the main, Tempe campus at Arizona State University, we focused on how
social media could grow our event to a comparable caliber of long-standing events such
as Devils on Mill & Devils on College. There were three major components in creating
this project: 1) creating an event with significance and meaning to the surrounding
community; 2) making the given community aware and excited about participating in the
event on a recurring basis; and 3) cultivating new leadership to continue executing this
tradition and successfully passing it down each semester/year. Effective marketing
campaigns cater to the tendencies of the targeted demographic and are imperative to
modify based on the audience. Understanding the target demographic of 18-24-year
olds fundamentally altered our marketing strategy for Devils on Taylor and resulted in
our heavy concentration on social media. This project compares the effectiveness of
marketing strategies such as Facebook, Instagram, flyers and word of mouth and
develops conclusions based on the turnout to Devils on Taylor events, membership
in Inferno Insiders, which is the organization that hosts these events, and the potential
for these two entities to sustain themselves in the following years. Interestingly, the
symbiotic relationship between Inferno Insiders and Devils on Taylor presented unique
challenges. We note the consequences of creating an organization to create a tradition
and project our confidence in the longevity of Devils on Taylor.
establishing traditions in the current digital landscape. Contemporary marketing
practices adhere to formulaic social media campaigns that we wanted to experiment
within establishing the tailgate event, Devils on Taylor, as a tradition on the Arizona
State University Downtown Phoenix campus. Drawing inspiration from established
traditions on the main, Tempe campus at Arizona State University, we focused on how
social media could grow our event to a comparable caliber of long-standing events such
as Devils on Mill & Devils on College. There were three major components in creating
this project: 1) creating an event with significance and meaning to the surrounding
community; 2) making the given community aware and excited about participating in the
event on a recurring basis; and 3) cultivating new leadership to continue executing this
tradition and successfully passing it down each semester/year. Effective marketing
campaigns cater to the tendencies of the targeted demographic and are imperative to
modify based on the audience. Understanding the target demographic of 18-24-year
olds fundamentally altered our marketing strategy for Devils on Taylor and resulted in
our heavy concentration on social media. This project compares the effectiveness of
marketing strategies such as Facebook, Instagram, flyers and word of mouth and
develops conclusions based on the turnout to Devils on Taylor events, membership
in Inferno Insiders, which is the organization that hosts these events, and the potential
for these two entities to sustain themselves in the following years. Interestingly, the
symbiotic relationship between Inferno Insiders and Devils on Taylor presented unique
challenges. We note the consequences of creating an organization to create a tradition
and project our confidence in the longevity of Devils on Taylor.
ContributorsTarr, Adin (Co-author) / Elder, Jordan (Co-author) / Todd, Lori (Thesis director) / O'Brien, Jennifer (Committee member) / Historical, Philosophical & Religious Studies (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / Sandra Day O'Connor College of Law (Contributor) / Walter Cronkite School of Journalism & Mass Comm (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2019-05
Description
At odds with the Axis powers in the Second World War, the American government
began the task of dealing with an influx of Europeans seeking refugee status stateside, even before the Japanese attack Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941. American interest in the global situation, nevertheless, did not officially begin after the initial attack on the 7th of December. Before that date, the United States government had to address refugees seeking asylum from European countries. Often studied, German emigration to the United States at times took center stage in terms of the refugee situation after the Nazi regime enacted anti- Semitic legislation in Germany and its occupied nations, prior to the American declaration of war. France, however, had a crisis of its own after the Germans invaded in the summer of 1940, and the fall of France led to a large portion of France occupied by Germany and the formation of a new government in the non-occupied zone, the Vichy regime.
France had an extensive history of Jewish culture and citizenship culture prior to 1940, and xenophobia, especially common after the 1941 National Revolution in France, led to a “France for the French” mentality championed by Marshal Philippe Pétain, Chief of State of Vichy France. The need for the French Jewish population to seek emigration became a reality in the face of the collaborationist Vichy government and anti-Semitic statutes enacted in 1940 and 1941. French anti-Semitic policies and practices led many Jews to seek asylum in the United States, though American policy was divided between a small segment of government officials, politicians, individuals, and Jewish relief groups who wanted to aid European Jews, and a more powerful nativist faction, led by Breckenridge Long which did not support immigration. President Roosevelt, and the American government, fully aware of the situation of French Jews, did little concrete to aid their asylum in the United States.
began the task of dealing with an influx of Europeans seeking refugee status stateside, even before the Japanese attack Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941. American interest in the global situation, nevertheless, did not officially begin after the initial attack on the 7th of December. Before that date, the United States government had to address refugees seeking asylum from European countries. Often studied, German emigration to the United States at times took center stage in terms of the refugee situation after the Nazi regime enacted anti- Semitic legislation in Germany and its occupied nations, prior to the American declaration of war. France, however, had a crisis of its own after the Germans invaded in the summer of 1940, and the fall of France led to a large portion of France occupied by Germany and the formation of a new government in the non-occupied zone, the Vichy regime.
France had an extensive history of Jewish culture and citizenship culture prior to 1940, and xenophobia, especially common after the 1941 National Revolution in France, led to a “France for the French” mentality championed by Marshal Philippe Pétain, Chief of State of Vichy France. The need for the French Jewish population to seek emigration became a reality in the face of the collaborationist Vichy government and anti-Semitic statutes enacted in 1940 and 1941. French anti-Semitic policies and practices led many Jews to seek asylum in the United States, though American policy was divided between a small segment of government officials, politicians, individuals, and Jewish relief groups who wanted to aid European Jews, and a more powerful nativist faction, led by Breckenridge Long which did not support immigration. President Roosevelt, and the American government, fully aware of the situation of French Jews, did little concrete to aid their asylum in the United States.
ContributorsPalumbo, Alex Paul (Author) / Fuchs, Rachel G. (Thesis director) / Simpson, Brooks (Committee member) / Cardoza, Thomas (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / School of Historical, Philosophical and Religious Studies (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor)
Created2014-05
Description
In the years after the American Civil War, New Orleans became an important city in regards to racial turmoil and political futures. Three separate riots, each taking place between the years of 1866-1874, came to be defining moments in the greater pantheon of Reconstruction politics. Each of these riots had major impacts on the political climate of the day, with national implications that stretched far beyond just the city of New Orleans.
ContributorsHillmann, Connor John (Author) / Simpson, Brooks (Thesis director) / Whitaker, Matthew (Committee member) / Campbell, James (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / School of Historical, Philosophical and Religious Studies (Contributor)
Created2013-12
Description
Abstract: This project will examine the shifts in government abortion policy of Spain since World War II, in efforts to answer the causal question :Why has Spain so dramatically reversed its abortion law mandates from one of the most liberal in Europe to one of the most restrictive? Spain's abortion policy is unique due to opposing forces between the Catholic Church and the socialist government and its universal health care policy. One must examine other historical and social factors to understand this policy. The purpose of this project is to understand how has the abortion policy of Spain (regarding its criminalization of women who receive abortion as well as those who perform them) changed over the last fifty years (approximately since the end of World War II). It will also examine what roles factors such as religion, culture, gender equality, and politics played in the development of these statures. Finally, the study will research the main groups that have been involved in this issue in the last fifty years and what their arguments are to support their opinions. Methods used to investigate this policy and its history of the criminalization of abortion policy in Spain since World War II will include a combination of literature review, government document review, and field research in Spain.
ContributorsRubin, Arielle Eliz (Author) / Simpson, Brooks (Thesis director) / Maienschein, Jane (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / School of Historical, Philosophical and Religious Studies (Contributor) / School of International Letters and Cultures (Contributor)
Created2014-05