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Evangelicals (particularly American evangelicals) have largely been seen historically as a monolithic group with similar viewpoints and actions across the board. The group has been tied to historically conservative values and is often held most responsible for the election of President Donald J. Trump. Additionally, American evangelicals have, as a

Evangelicals (particularly American evangelicals) have largely been seen historically as a monolithic group with similar viewpoints and actions across the board. The group has been tied to historically conservative values and is often held most responsible for the election of President Donald J. Trump. Additionally, American evangelicals have, as a whole, supported the modern State of Israel (both financially through individual donations and/or lobbying efforts and spiritually through prayer). Preliminary research suggested, however, that not all evangelicals have adopted this pro-Israel stance. After conducting 10 interviews (with subjects in the United States, Israel and the Palestinian territories) and researching the history of evangelicalism in these areas, it becomes apparent that evangelicals who are from or are currently living in the United States are much more likely to support the State of Israel than those who are from Israel or the Palestinian territories - though it should be emphasized that they claim their support is not unconditional, as several polls and general attitudes toward evangelicals may imply. Above all else, this essay seeks to prove that evangelicals are not a monolithic entity wherein all of its members harbor the same beliefs and attitudes. As the remainder of this essay will show, there is a wide spectrum of perspectives as it pertains to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which suggests that this conflict is not as polarizing within the evangelical community as one might think. Polls with numbers indicating that a majority of evangelicals support Israel might imply that there must then be conflict between those evangelicals and people who do not support Israel. Such polls neglect to highlight the nuance among members of the evangelical community, a fact that this essay will attempt to rectify.
Created2019-05
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From the Crusades to the Russian Pogroms and the Holocaust, Jews have had their citizenship taken away, and in some instances, been brutally beaten and tortured. The wide array of societies, which have partaken in the systematic subjugation of the Jews across centuries and millennia, has shown that anti-Semitism knows

From the Crusades to the Russian Pogroms and the Holocaust, Jews have had their citizenship taken away, and in some instances, been brutally beaten and tortured. The wide array of societies, which have partaken in the systematic subjugation of the Jews across centuries and millennia, has shown that anti-Semitism knows no bounds. As is the case with many groups of persecuted people, Jews are peripatetic, diasporic, and exilic. However, for the purpose of this thesis, the focus will revolve around the diaspora of Jews to America and their resulting involvement in American culture.
ContributorsGoldberg, Daniel (Author) / Mirvis, Stanley (Thesis director) / Tiechtel, Shmuel (Committee member) / Sandra Day O'Connor College of Law (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2019-05
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Description
Russian President Vladimir Putin is a revisionist leader seeking to restore Russia’s status as a great power and rival U.S. global dominance by constructing a multipolar world order at the expense of the United States. Putin’s aggressive tendencies are not limited to Europe and the former Soviet sphere as Putin

Russian President Vladimir Putin is a revisionist leader seeking to restore Russia’s status as a great power and rival U.S. global dominance by constructing a multipolar world order at the expense of the United States. Putin’s aggressive tendencies are not limited to Europe and the former Soviet sphere as Putin has expanded his revisionist ambitions into other regional theaters, including the Middle East. Putin has pursued an active foreign policy in the Middle East, exploiting the volatile region plagued with a historical predisposition to great power competition as a crucial part of his revisionist grand strategy. Putin is a realist, and employs a ruthless strategy of pragmatic flexibility, capitalizing on historical relations between the Soviet Union and Middle Eastern regimes when possible, but is also skilled at adapting to new circumstances and developments, and exploiting them for Russia’s strategic benefit. Putin has engaged in heightened relations and involvement with Turkey, Iran, and Syria. In Turkey, Putin has taken advantage of that country’s central location and used Turkey as a hub for the expansion of the Russian energy industry, placing pressure on NATO and the European Union. Putin has opportunistically used Iran’s controversial nuclear program to Russia’s benefit by acting as Iran’s primary international sponsor and patron for its nuclear program, elevating Russia’s regional prestige as a rival to the United States, and countering American foreign policy objectives. Putin intervened decisively on behalf of the Assad regime in the Syrian civil war, thwarting U.S. calls for regime change in Damascus and forcefully asserting Russia as a formidable regional power with veto-authority in matters of global power dynamics at Washington’s expense. Putin’s achievements with Turkey, Iran, and Syria serve to complement his larger grand strategic objectives to rival the United States as a great power and to create a multipolar world order. Putin’s ruthless, opportunistic foreign policy poses significant challenges to U.S. foreign policy and endangers the liberal world order. Washington must come to terms with the threat posed by a revisionist Russia and adopt a more assertive policy toward Putin.
ContributorsMarch, Nicolas Robert (Author) / Drummond, Charles (Thesis director) / Carrese, Paul (Committee member) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / Sandra Day O'Connor College of Law (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2019-05
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Description
Social media is explosively popular in discussing socio-political issues. This work provides a preliminary study on how polarization occurs online. Chapter I begins by introducing limitations of the internet in maintaining a free flow of information. Not only do users seek out groups of like-minded individuals and insulate themselves from

Social media is explosively popular in discussing socio-political issues. This work provides a preliminary study on how polarization occurs online. Chapter I begins by introducing limitations of the internet in maintaining a free flow of information. Not only do users seek out groups of like-minded individuals and insulate themselves from opposing views, social media platforms algorithmically curate content such that it will be in line with a user’s preconceived notions of the world. The work then defines polarization and carefully discusses its most prominent causes. It then shifts focus to analyze a closely-related issue regarding political discourse: outrage, which is both a noticeable effect of and further cause of polarization. It is clearly prevalent in traditional media, but for completion, I provide a case study to measure its incidence in social media. In Chapter II, I scrutinize the language used in the #MeToo movement on Twitter and draw conclusions about the issues Twitter users focus on and how they express their views. This chapter details the method I used, the challenges I faced in designing the exploratory study, and the results I found. I benchmark patterns I find in the Twitterverse against those I find in The Wall Street Journal. The analysis relies upon the metric of word similarity, based on proximity of and frequency of words used together, to make distinctions about what users are most commonly saying with respect to given topics, or keywords. Chapter III closes the essay with conclusions of socio-political polarization, discourse, and outrage in social media. Finally, the essay outlines potential channels for future work.
ContributorsJain, Niharika (Author) / Simhony, Avital (Thesis director) / Lewis, Paul (Committee member) / Computer Science and Engineering Program (Contributor, Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / Department of Information Systems (Contributor) / School of International Letters and Cultures (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2019-05
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Description
This study attempts to reconcile the gap in literature between the abundant research in the social consequences of sanctions but a consistent lack of information regarding its economic effectiveness. I apply a modified neoclassical growth model to analyze the extent that sanctions imposed by the US and UN impact real

This study attempts to reconcile the gap in literature between the abundant research in the social consequences of sanctions but a consistent lack of information regarding its economic effectiveness. I apply a modified neoclassical growth model to analyze the extent that sanctions imposed by the US and UN impact real per capita GDP growth rate. Using the original data, I modify the model employed in the Neuenkirch and Neumeier (2015) study by replacing a fixed effect model with time trends. The results are more aligned with previous economic research on sanctions where sanctions imposed by the US have a moderate but significant 1.5 percent decline effect on GDP growth rate. On the other hand, sanctions imposed by the UN are similarly negative, imposing about a .9 percent decline in GDP growth, however are not statistically significant. While I cannot reject the conclusion by the original authors, I feel that this model provides a more fitting analysis of the impact sanctions impose on GDP growth.
ContributorsHendricks-Costello, Caitlyn (Author) / Silverman, Daniel (Thesis director) / Mendez, Jose (Committee member) / Department of Economics (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / School of Mathematical and Statistical Sciences (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2019-05
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Ecological modeling can be used to analyze health risk behaviors and their relationship to ecological factors, which is useful in determining how social environmental factors influence an individual’s decisions. Environmental interactions shape the way that humans behave throughout the day, either through observation, action, or consequences. Specifically, health risk behaviors

Ecological modeling can be used to analyze health risk behaviors and their relationship to ecological factors, which is useful in determining how social environmental factors influence an individual’s decisions. Environmental interactions shape the way that humans behave throughout the day, either through observation, action, or consequences. Specifically, health risk behaviors can be analyzed in relation to ecological factors. Alcohol drinking among college students has been a long concern and there are many risks associated with these behaviors in this population. Consistent engagement in health risk behaviors as a college student, such as drinking and smoking, can pose a much larger issues later in life and can lead to many different health problems. A research study was conducted in the form of a 27 question survey to determine and evaluate the impact of ecological factors on drinking and smoking behaviors among Arizona State University students. Ecological factors such as demographics, living conditions, contexts of social interactions, and places where students spend most of their time were used to evaluate the relationship between drinking and smoking behaviors and the ecological factors, both on- and off- campus. The sample size of this study is 541 students. Statistical tests were conducted using Excel and RStudio to find relationships between patterns of health risk behaviors and various ecological factors. The data from the survey was analyzed to address three main questions. The first question analyzed drinking behaviors in relation to demographics, specifically gender and race. The second question assessed drinking behaviors with participation in Greek life and clubs on campus. The third question evaluated the relationship between health risk behaviors and students’ living conditions, such as living on or off campus. The results show that while gender does not have a statistically significant influence on drinking behaviors, race does. White individuals are more likely to engage in drinking behaviors and are more at risk than non-whites. Participation in Greek life was shown to be statistically significant in determining health risk behaviors, while involvement in clubs was not. Finally, on campus students are less likely to engage in health risk behaviors than off-campus students.
ContributorsWerbick, Meghan Lindsay (Co-author) / Andrade, Amber (Co-author) / Naik, Sparshee (Co-author) / Mubayi, Anuj (Thesis director) / Gaughan, Monica (Committee member) / School of Human Evolution & Social Change (Contributor, Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor, Contributor) / School of International Letters and Cultures (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2019-05
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Description
Tempe, and the greater justice system, consistently seeks to re-evaluate its operations and processes to meet the ever-increasing conflicts that are brought into the courts purview. Nationally, municipal courts have seen a decrease in civil matters, however, this is not the case in Tempe. My goal for this

Tempe, and the greater justice system, consistently seeks to re-evaluate its operations and processes to meet the ever-increasing conflicts that are brought into the courts purview. Nationally, municipal courts have seen a decrease in civil matters, however, this is not the case in Tempe. My goal for this project was to assess and reflect on the circumstances that surround civil matters within the municipal court. As a case study, I observed and evaluated several civil court cases. In doing so, I analyzed the ways in which legal consciousness and discourse are used to solve existing civil court matters. I then took these data and considered the ways in which mediation could be used as a justice alternative. In proposing mediation as an alternative, I focus on the ways in which mediation better serves to build positive legal consciousness and address all forms of discourse that can be presented in specific civil cases. Finally, I discuss a strategy that can be used within the Tempe Courts to implement mediation as a long-term problem-solving court strategy.
ContributorsLille, Jacob (Author) / Broberg, Gregory (Thesis director) / Kane, Kevin (Committee member) / Allen, Alexis (Committee member) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / School of International Letters and Cultures (Contributor) / School of Social Transformation (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2019-05
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In April of 1994, a genocide broke out in Rwanda that lasted about 100 days and killed approximately 800,000 men, women, and children (Krain, 2005). Over the course of the last seven months we worked with a Rwandan refugee to bring this project to fruition. This refugee inspired us to

In April of 1994, a genocide broke out in Rwanda that lasted about 100 days and killed approximately 800,000 men, women, and children (Krain, 2005). Over the course of the last seven months we worked with a Rwandan refugee to bring this project to fruition. This refugee inspired us to show the personal side of the issue of resettlement and we believed that she would be able to make an impact on others if we could share her story. The purpose of this project was to record this refugees story of resettlement in America. As mentioned above, we wanted to share their powerful journey from Rwanda to America. We believed that by introducing a personal story to a relatively impersonal matter we would bring more understanding to this issue. We wanted to create a project that could not only be a source of education, but also have a personal aspect that would inspire many to learn more and get involved with issues that are important to them. We believed creating this short film would be the best way we could have this story reach more people. Over these seven months, we created a short film that told the story of the Rwandan genocide and the American resettlement process from the unique perspective of someone who has experienced both.
ContributorsErjavic, Lindsay Michelle (Co-author) / Thompson, Ashley (Co-author) / Larson, Elizabeth (Thesis director) / Rush, James (Committee member) / Historical, Philosophical & Religious Studies (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / School of Community Resources and Development (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2019-05
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Despite the reactionary Habsburg regime under Emperor Franz Joseph, forces within the government and leading intelligentsia proposed various reforms to solve the issue of ethnic discrimination across the Austro-Hungarian Empire, attempting to resolve the tensions that the Ausgleich of 1867 had further aggravated by the inclusion of Hungarians as a

Despite the reactionary Habsburg regime under Emperor Franz Joseph, forces within the government and leading intelligentsia proposed various reforms to solve the issue of ethnic discrimination across the Austro-Hungarian Empire, attempting to resolve the tensions that the Ausgleich of 1867 had further aggravated by the inclusion of Hungarians as a privileged class to the detriment of the remaining minorities. This paper will look at the Austro-Marxist and Federalist reformers and the ways in which their concepts, if implemented, could have saved the Empire from its downfall in 1918. Ultimately, neither the Austro-Marxist concept of a centralized system of universal rights across the borders of all nations within the existing empire nor the Federalist idea of a national territorial sovereignty allowing for a certain degree of individual autonomy managed to be adopted by the Allied victors of World War I. The myopic focus of the ‘Big Four’ on the German Empire blinded them to the intricate economic and political balance needed for peace in the Balkans. While France, Britain, and Italy exhibited a general lack of concern to the outcome in the Balkans, Wilson’s ‘self-determination’ doctrine is most responsible for creating the unsustainable, irredentist-driven states that the reform-minded intellectuals—Austro-Marxist or Federalist—most had sought to avoid. In addition to a discussion of the reform movements in the Austro-Hungarian Empire, this paper will explore the reforms’ strong similarities to the present struggles within the European Union, particularly the divide between Euro-federalists and Euro-sceptics. The crisis situation and reform efforts of the Austrian Empire from 1867 to 1914 reveal significant policy lessons applicable to the European Union as it navigates the current crossroads between further federal integration or a return to medieval disintegration.
ContributorsAppel, Michael Edwin (Author) / Niebuhr, Robert (Thesis director) / Carrese, Paul (Committee member) / Historical, Philosophical & Religious Studies (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor, Contributor) / Sandra Day O'Connor College of Law (Contributor) / School of Civic & Economic Thought and Leadership (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2019-05
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The overall purpose of this project was to examine a democratic transition and the factors that lead to a transition by looking at a specific country case. The Malaysian 2018 General Election saw the Barisan Nasional (BN) political party, which had been in power since the nation’s independence, lose to

The overall purpose of this project was to examine a democratic transition and the factors that lead to a transition by looking at a specific country case. The Malaysian 2018 General Election saw the Barisan Nasional (BN) political party, which had been in power since the nation’s independence, lose to the opposition party, Pakatan Harapan (PH), in a shocking turn of events. When looking at this particular case, it was important to first establish what the most common factors are, that exist in democratic transitions. By applying these factors to the Malaysian case, it allowed for a deeper understanding of whether or not this democratic transition would take root quickly or instead take several years. Along with connecting these academically studied factors to Malaysia, it was also critical at examining the major events unique to the country that helped contribute to the BN’s loss. When examining this case in particular, what became evident was that the election results and overall transition had already been building up for several years.
ContributorsSantaella, Ana (Author) / Shair-Rosenfield, Sarah (Thesis director) / Funk, Kendall (Committee member) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor, Contributor) / School of International Letters and Cultures (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2019-05