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This dissertation analyzes the transformation of noncitizen detention policy in the United States over the twentieth century. For much of that time, official policy remained disconnected from the reality of experiences for those subjected to the detention regime. However, once detention policy changed into its current form, disparities between policy

This dissertation analyzes the transformation of noncitizen detention policy in the United States over the twentieth century. For much of that time, official policy remained disconnected from the reality of experiences for those subjected to the detention regime. However, once detention policy changed into its current form, disparities between policy and reality virtually disappeared. This work argues that since its inception in the late nineteenth century to its present manifestations, noncitizen detention policy transformed from a form of exclusion to a method of state-sponsored violence. A new periodization based on detention policy refocuses immigration enforcement into three eras: exclusion, humane, and violent. When official policy became state violence, the regime synchronized with noncitizen experiences in detention marked by pain, suffering, isolation, hopelessness, and death. This violent policy followed the era of humane detentions. From 1954 to 1981, during a time of supposedly benevolent national policies premised on a narrative against de facto detentions, Arizona, and the broader Southwest, continued to detain noncitizens while collecting revenue for housing such federal prisoners. Over time increasing detentions contributed to overcrowding. Those incarcerated naturally reacted against such conditions, where federal, state, and local prisoners coalesced to demand their humanity. Yet, when taxpayers ignored these pleas, an eclectic group of sheriffs, state and local politicians, and prison officials negotiated with federal prisoners, commodifying them for federal revenue. Officials then used federal money to revamp existing facilities and build new ones. Receiving money for federal prisoners was so deeply embedded within the Southwest carceral landscape that it allowed for private prison companies to casually take over these relationships previously held by state actors. When official policy changed in 1981, general detentions were used as deterrence to break the will of asylum seekers. With this change, policy and reality melded. No longer needing the pretext of exclusionary rationales nor the fiction of humane policies, the unencumbered state consolidated its official detention policy with a rationale of deterrence. In other words, violence. Analyzing the devolution of noncitizen detention policy provides key insights to understanding its historical antecedents, how this violent detention regime came to be within the modern carceral state, and its implications for the mass incarceration crisis.
ContributorsDingatantrige Perera, Judith Irangika (Author) / Schermerhorn, Jack (Thesis advisor) / Sarat, Leah (Committee member) / Lim, Julian (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2018
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This study examines how a populist religious leader, Alexander Campbell, altered the economic value system of religious material production in the early United States and, subsequently, the long-term value structure of religious economic systems generally. As religious publishing societies in the early nineteenth century were pioneering the not-for-profit corporation and

This study examines how a populist religious leader, Alexander Campbell, altered the economic value system of religious material production in the early United States and, subsequently, the long-term value structure of religious economic systems generally. As religious publishing societies in the early nineteenth century were pioneering the not-for-profit corporation and as many popular itinerants manufactured religious spectacles around the country, Campbell combined the promotional methods of revivalism and the business practices of religious printers, with a conspicuously pugilistic tone to simultaneously build religious and business empires. He was a religious entrepreneur who capitalized on the opportunities of American revivalism for personal and religious gain. His opponents attacked his theology and his wealth as signs of his obvious error but few were prepared for the vigor of his answer. He invited conflict and challenged prominent opponents to grow his celebrity and extend his brand into new markets. He argued that his labor as a printer was deserving of compensation and that, unlike his “venal” clerical opponents, he offered his services as a preacher for free. As Americans in the early national period increasingly felt obligated to find the “right kind of Christianity,” Campbell packaged and sold a compelling product. In the decades that followed his first debate in 1820, he built a religious following that by 1850 numbered well over 100,000 followers. This dissertation considers the importance of marketing, promotion, investment capital, distribution networks, property law, print culture, and ideology, to the success of a given religious prescription in the nineteenth century American marketplace of religion. Campbell’s success reveals important social, political, and economic structures in the nineteenth century trans-Appalachian west. It also illuminates a form of religious entrepreneurialism that continues to be important to American Christianity.
ContributorsDupey, James (Author) / O'Donnell, Catherine (Thesis advisor) / Critchlow, Donald (Committee member) / Fessenden, Tracy (Committee member) / Schermerhorn, Calvin J (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2018
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Interpersonal racial discrimination is positively associated with poor mental health outcomes in a number of marginalized groups across the United States (Brondolo, et al., 2008). This paper examines how racial discrimination affects the self-esteem, self-worth, and racial pride of Latinas using interview data from a purposive sample of students. The

Interpersonal racial discrimination is positively associated with poor mental health outcomes in a number of marginalized groups across the United States (Brondolo, et al., 2008). This paper examines how racial discrimination affects the self-esteem, self-worth, and racial pride of Latinas using interview data from a purposive sample of students. The objectives of this study are: (a) to better understand the effects of racial microaggressions on young Latinas’ construction of self, (b) to explicate how these self-perceptions influence deviant behavior and maladaptive thought processes, drawing on strain and discrimination literatures, and (c) to examine the protective mechanisms Latinas employ with friends and family as a response to racial discrimination. Findings indicated that respondents experienced racial discrimination through a variety of channels, from negative stereotypes to feeling a distinct prejudice in academic settings. Participants utilized numerous coping mechanisms to deal with such encounters, most of which emphasized the importance of drawing strength from Hispanic values, culture, and language during times of adversity.
ContributorsBarstow, Callie Elizabeth (Author) / Burt, Callie (Thesis advisor) / Decker, Scott (Committee member) / Wang, Xia (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2015
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ABSTRACT

Historically, first-generation college students (FGCS), students whose parents have not attended college nor earned a degree, are more likely to have lower college retention rates and are less likely to complete their academic programs in a timely manner. Despite this, there are many FGCS who do succeed and it is

ABSTRACT

Historically, first-generation college students (FGCS), students whose parents have not attended college nor earned a degree, are more likely to have lower college retention rates and are less likely to complete their academic programs in a timely manner. Despite this, there are many FGCS who do succeed and it is imperative to learn what fuels their success. The theoretical perspectives that framed this study included: hidden curricula, resiliency theory and community cultural wealth. Drawing from these perspectives, this qualitative research study consisted of a 10-week photo-elicitation facilitation and reflection group in which participants identified aspects of the hidden curricula encountered in the university that were challenging in their educational journeys and guided them in identifying the sources of strength (i.e. protective factors) that they channeled to overcome those challenges. The participants for this study were selected using a stratified purposeful sampling approach. The participants identified as Latina, low-income FGCS who were on good academic standing and majored in two of the largest academic units at Arizona State University's Tempe campus- the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences and the Fulton College of Engineering. This study used participants’ testimonios (critical, reflexive narratives), photo-elicitation images, student journal responses, focus group dialogue and Facebook group posts to better understand the resiliency of Latina, low-income FGCS at ASU. Using grounded theory analysis, this study revealed the following,

Latina, low-income FGCS:

- Primarily define and develop their academic resiliency outside of the classroom and use social capital connections with peers and aspirational capital connections to their future to be successful inside the classroom.

- Are heavily driven to succeed in the university setting because of their family's support and because they view their presence in college as a unique opportunity that they are grateful for.

- Operationalize their academic resiliency through a combination of hard work and sacrifice, as well as an active implementation of resilience tactics.

- Are motivated to pass on their resiliency capital to other students like them and perceive their pursuit of a college education as a transformative action for themselves, their families and their communities.
ContributorsRomasanta, Lindsay Rae (Author) / Liou, Daniel D. (Thesis advisor) / Margolis, Eric (Committee member) / Golden, Amy (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2016
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Previous research indicates that survivors of Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) are at a greater risk of developing Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) symptomatology. IPV survivors often use maladaptive coping strategies in response to IPV that place them at a higher risk for PTSD. Cultural gender roles/beliefs have been known to influence

Previous research indicates that survivors of Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) are at a greater risk of developing Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) symptomatology. IPV survivors often use maladaptive coping strategies in response to IPV that place them at a higher risk for PTSD. Cultural gender roles/beliefs have been known to influence coping methods. Marianismo, a Latino/a gender role belief, has not been investigated in relation to IPV, coping strategies, and PTSD among Latinas. This study examined whether physical, psychological, or sexual abuse by a romantic partner, coping strategies, and Marianismo were associated with PTSD symptomatology among 157 college-aged Latinas. The participants completed an on-line survey that assessed IPV frequency, disengaged and engaged coping, Marianismo, and PTSD symptomatology. Hierarchical multiple regressions revealed that, regardless of IPV type, more IPV and disengaged coping strategies were the best predictors of PTSD symptomatology. Marianismo did not significantly moderate the relation between coping and PTSD. However, the strong zero-order correlation between disengaged coping and Marianismo indicated they were highly correlated variables. The study findings are consistent with previous research that suggested that coping strategies are culturally dependent on beliefs and gender role expectations. Latinas may use more disengaged coping strategies because these methods may be deemed more culturally appropriate and reflect Marianismo beliefs. Psychologists working with Latina IPV survivors need to develop culturally sensitive approaches to psychoeducation on IPV and coping strategies that empower these women within their cultural belief systems and reduce their PTSD symptomatology.
ContributorsTorres, Dhannia L (Author) / Kurpius, Sharon (Thesis advisor) / Roberts, Nicole A. (Committee member) / Homer, Judith (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2017
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Description
Political party identification has an immense influence on shaping individual attitudes and processes of reasoning to the point where otherwise knowledgeable people endorse political conspiracies that support one's political in-group and simultaneously disparage an out-group. Although recent research has explored this tendency among partisans, less is known about how Independents

Political party identification has an immense influence on shaping individual attitudes and processes of reasoning to the point where otherwise knowledgeable people endorse political conspiracies that support one's political in-group and simultaneously disparage an out-group. Although recent research has explored this tendency among partisans, less is known about how Independents respond in comparison. Previous research fails to identify the Independent as a unique type of voter, but rather categorizes this group as ostensibly partisan, not a separate phenomenon to investigate. However, most Independents purport neutrality and, by recent polls, are becoming a substantial body worthy of concerted focus. Many questions arise about who Independents really are. For example, do all who identify as Independent behave in a similar manner? Are Independents ideologically different than what is represented by a partisan label? Is the Independent category a broad term for something entirely misunderstood? A thorough investigation into the greater dynamics of the political environment in the United States is an enormous undertaking, requiring a robust interdisciplinary approach beyond the focus and intent of this study. Therefore, this study begins the journey toward understanding these phenomena; do Independents, as a whole, uniformly respond to statements about political conspiracy theories? To explore these possibilities, explicit responses are bypassed to evaluate the implicit appeal of political conspiracy theories. An action dynamics (mouse-tracking) approach, a data rich method that records the response process, demonstrates Independents are not in fact a homogeneous group, but rather seem to fall into two groups: non-partisan leaning and partisan leaning. The analysis exposes that relative to the baseline and control stimuli: (1) Non-leaning Independents reveal an increased susceptibility to implicitly endorse bi-partisan directed conspiracy theories when compared to leaners. (2) Republican-leaners demonstrate a stronger susceptibility to endorse right-wing aligned conspiracy theories (against Barack Obama), similar to Republican partisans. (3) Democrat-leaners, unlike Democrat partisans, do not demonstrate any particular susceptibility to implicitly endorse either right/left-wing aligned conspiracy theories (against Barack Obama or George W. Bush). Drawing from major theories from social, political, and cognitive psychology will contribute to an understanding of these phenomena. Concluding remarks include study limitations and future directions.
ContributorsJohnson, Chelsea (Author) / Duran, Nicholas D (Thesis advisor) / Robles-Sotelo, Elias (Committee member) / Hall, Deborah (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2017
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ABSTRACT This thesis analyzes the discourse surrounding proposed solutions to the immigration phenomenon in the United States. I conducted two qualitative media analyses on the rhetoric and conceptual frames found in mass media newscasts reporting on the immigration debate. The first analysis covered the general immigration

ABSTRACT This thesis analyzes the discourse surrounding proposed solutions to the immigration phenomenon in the United States. I conducted two qualitative media analyses on the rhetoric and conceptual frames found in mass media newscasts reporting on the immigration debate. The first analysis covered the general immigration debate and the second covered the appearance of American southwest ranchers. Specifically the analyses contrasted the media's coverage of root economic causes to the immigration phenomenon in comparison to reactionary solutions as proposed by leading immigrant attrition organizations such as the immigration think tank, Federation for American Immigration Reform (FAIR) and Republican linguist, Frank Luntz. The main argument of this thesis is based on an analysis of how the media has used southwestern ranchers as expert witnesses for reactionary solutions on a national level. An acute qualitative media analysis was used to compare the rhetoric found in the media coverage of southwestern ranchers versus the rhetoric found in 12 in-depth interviews I conducted with ranchers in the American southwest. This thesis contends that the media has successfully turned southwestern ranchers into spokespersons for border security rhetoric, furthering the binary debates on border security and immigration reform and thus obscuring the conditions which force migrants to leave their home countries. The grounding theoretical framework for this thesis is based on David Altheide's qualitative media analysis which identifies how certain frames and common narratives ultimately construct a way of discussing the problem or the kind of discourse that will follow. This was structured on Atheide's qualitative media analysis protocols to dissect mass media newscasts covering the immigration debate and more specifically the mass media's coverage of southwestern ranchers. The qualitative media analyses were employed to determine whether the discourse found in nightly newscasts falls in line with root causes of immigration or FAIR's concern with reactionary solutions. To further assess the media's ability to shape discourse, and ultimately policy, these qualitative analyses were compared with in-depth interviews of the ranchers.
ContributorsFuente, Nicolás Antonio de la (Author) / Téllez, Michelle (Thesis advisor) / Stancliff, Michael (Committee member) / Gomez, Alan (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2010
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The vigorous efforts of advocates to help victims of domestic violence have resulted in the criminalization of domestic violence in the United States and in various countries around the world. However, research studies indicate mixed success in the protection of victims through the use of the legal system. This study

The vigorous efforts of advocates to help victims of domestic violence have resulted in the criminalization of domestic violence in the United States and in various countries around the world. However, research studies indicate mixed success in the protection of victims through the use of the legal system. This study examines the experiences of 16 victims/survivors and their perspectives on the criminal justice system's (CJS) response to domestic violence through in-depth interviews throughout the state of Arizona. This comparative study analyzes the experiences of U.S. born non-Latinas, U.S. (mainland and island) born Latinas and foreign born (documented and undocumented) Latinas who are victims/survivors of domestic violence. The empirical cases reveal that at the root of the contradictory success of the criminal justice system are a legal culture of rationalization and a lack of recognition of the intersection of systems of power and oppression such as gender, class, race/ethnicity, and of essence to this study, legal status.
ContributorsSalcido, Maria Olivia (Author) / Menjivar, Cecilia (Thesis advisor) / Cruz-Torres, Maria L. (Committee member) / Varsanyi, Monica (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2011
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During the mid-1930s in Cuba, Ernest Hemingway befriended Cuban artist Antonio Gattorno (1904-1980) during Hemingway's most active period of Gulf Stream fishing trips. Their relationship soon transcended ocean sojourns, and the two exchanged letters, eight of which reside in the Hemingway Collection at the J.F.K. Library in Boston. Written between

During the mid-1930s in Cuba, Ernest Hemingway befriended Cuban artist Antonio Gattorno (1904-1980) during Hemingway's most active period of Gulf Stream fishing trips. Their relationship soon transcended ocean sojourns, and the two exchanged letters, eight of which reside in the Hemingway Collection at the J.F.K. Library in Boston. Written between 1935 and 1937, the Hemingway-Gattorno correspondence showcases the relationship that came to fruition between the American writer and Cuban artist in the 1930s. It also presents a lens through which to examine the cultural contact that occurred between Americans and Cubans during a decade of great political, social, and economic exchange between the two nations. In addition, the Hemingway-Gattorno correspondence elucidates each country's tendency to romanticize the other before the Cuban Revolution and provides a template with which to examine current U.S.-Cuban relationships today. This thesis endeavors to first discuss the Hemingway-Gattorno relationship via a close examination of the correspondence that occurred between them. It then attests that the Hemingway-Gattorno correspondence exemplifies the transatlantic glamorization that characterized pre-revolutionary U.S.-Cuban relations. The thesis explores the replay of this act of romanticizing in real time, arguing that despite governmental injunctions since 1961, Americans and Cubans alike have continued to ingeniously find ways to communicate with one another in much the same way Hemingway and Gattorno did in the 1930s. One mechanism for doing so is remembering Ernest Hemingway's life in Cuba and the home he owned there, Finca Vigía, a performance of memory that often occurs through the conduits of either the Hemingway Archives in Boston or the Finca Vigía Museum in Cuba. American and Cuban longing for the cultural contact enjoyed by Hemingway and Gattorno is expressed and performed through a glorification of Hemingway and the Finca Vigía, despite the severance of diplomatic relations between the two countries in 1961. In addition, for Cubans in particular, Hemingway and the Finca Vigía present an opportunity to imagine the much more unified pre-revolutionary Cuba. Although certainly Hemingway and his home represent different realities for Cubans and Americans, in all, the thesis will show that citizens from both countries continue to find ways to create and imagine themselves in pre-revolutionary contexts like those embodied by Hemingway and Gattorno in the 1930s.
ContributorsDriscoll, Sarah (Author) / Horan, Elizabeth (Thesis advisor) / Sadowski-Smith, Claudia (Committee member) / Tobin, Beth (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2011
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Provides initiatives that leverage the inclusion of Latinas in computer science education.

Created2021 (year uncertain)