Matching Items (12)
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Conflict in Israel is ongoing and permeates through international borders by stimulating discussion worldwide. Whether or not diplomatic relations have been successful, counterterrorism policies have developed and been adopted by other countries like the United States. The targeting and elimination of militant terrorist figures is one of the policies that

Conflict in Israel is ongoing and permeates through international borders by stimulating discussion worldwide. Whether or not diplomatic relations have been successful, counterterrorism policies have developed and been adopted by other countries like the United States. The targeting and elimination of militant terrorist figures is one of the policies that have stirred much controversy. The effectiveness of it, however, continues to be in question. This research paper aims to take a rounded approach to analyze the efficacy of targeted killings for national security. I employ a three-dimensional method by measuring the influence of targeted killings on violence, public opinion, and economy. Statistical analysis is conducted through Paired-Sample T-tests with data derived from the period of the al-Aqsa Intifada. There is suggestive evidence that targeted killings have a significant negative effect on Palestinian violence.
ContributorsUpart, Yonit (Author) / Manekin, Devorah (Thesis director) / Wright, Thorin (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / Department of Marketing (Contributor)
Created2015-05
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The purpose of this study is to identify, analyze, and understand the concept of microcredit lending as a method of combating poverty, as well as the political, financial, and cultural difficulties of operating such an organization. The study investigates microcredit lending organizations (also referred to as microlending organizations or microlending

The purpose of this study is to identify, analyze, and understand the concept of microcredit lending as a method of combating poverty, as well as the political, financial, and cultural difficulties of operating such an organization. The study investigates microcredit lending organizations (also referred to as microlending organizations or microlending banks) in the State of Israel and the Palestinian Territories of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip; these organizations are used as a case study to analyze the challenges faced by microlending organizations around the world, as well as an interesting lens to observe the geopolitical and socioeconomic difficulties of small-scale economic engagement in this area of heavy conflict. Finally, interesting patterns, behaviors, policies, and operating methods of microlending banks are scrutinized in order to deeply understand the challenges and philosophies behind microlending.
ContributorsPatil, Sharath (Author) / Larson, Elizabeth (Thesis director) / Benkert, Volker (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / School of Geographical Sciences and Urban Planning (Contributor) / Department of Supply Chain Management (Contributor)
Created2015-05
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I argue that the relationship between the United States and Israel has harmed the United States, the Palestinians, and the rest of the Middle East. For the United States section, I support this argument by discussing the corruption of AIPAC, national debt, anti-American sentiment in the Middle East, NSA spying

I argue that the relationship between the United States and Israel has harmed the United States, the Palestinians, and the rest of the Middle East. For the United States section, I support this argument by discussing the corruption of AIPAC, national debt, anti-American sentiment in the Middle East, NSA spying and surveillance and the effects of the Iraq War. For the Palestinian section, I support this argument by discussing how the war crimes committed against the Palestinians are done with weapons supplied to Israel by the United States. Lastly, I go over how the rest of the Middle East is harmed by this by discussing how the Iraq War has affected the Iraqis there and how the Libyan regime change affected the people in Libya.
ContributorsPappusetti, Vamsi Krishna (Author) / Niebuhr, Robert (Thesis director) / Ahmad, Omaya (Committee member) / Rothenberg, Daniel (Committee member) / School of Historical, Philosophical and Religious Studies (Contributor, Contributor) / School of Social Transformation (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2017-05
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The concept of recognition developed through the 20th century as a form of political legitimation has served a central if problematic role in understanding international politics. On the one hand, recognition aims toward establishing essential collective identities that must be conceived as relatively stable in order to then gain respect,

The concept of recognition developed through the 20th century as a form of political legitimation has served a central if problematic role in understanding international politics. On the one hand, recognition aims toward establishing essential collective identities that must be conceived as relatively stable in order to then gain respect, receive political protection, and occupy both physical and discursive space. On the other hand, recognition tacitly accepts a social constructivist view of the subject who can only become whole unto itself – and in turn exercise positive liberty, freedom, or agency – through the implied assent or explicit consent of another. There is an inherent tension between these two understandings of recognition. The attempt to reconcile this tension often manifests itself in forms of symbolic and systemic violence that can turn to corporeal harm. In order to enter into the concept, history, politics and performativity of recognition, I focus on what is often viewed as an exceptionally complex and uniquely controversial case: the Israel-Palestine conflict. Undergoing a discourse analysis of three epistemic communities (i.e., the State/diplomatic network, the Academic/intellectual network, the Military-Security network) and their unique modes of veridiction, I show how each works to construct the notion of ethno-nationalism as a necessary political logic that holds the promise of everything put in its right place: Us here, Them there. All three epistemic communities are read as knowledge/power networks that have substantial effect on political subjects and subjectivities. Influenced by the philosophy of Hegel and Levinas, and supported by the works of Michel Foucault, Wendy Brown, Alphonso Lingis, Jacques Derrida, Patchen Markell, and others, I show the ways in which our current politics of recognition is best read as violence. By tracing three discursive networks of knowledge/power implicated in our modern politics of recognition, I demonstrate forms of symbolic violence waged against the entire complex of the Israel-Palestine conflict in ways that preclude a just resolution based on mutual empathy, acknowledgment, and (re)cogntion.
ContributorsBar, Eyal (Author) / Doty, Roxanne L (Thesis advisor) / Ashley, Richard K. (Thesis advisor) / Walker, Stephen (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2016
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In 2021, Palestine will have been under official Israeli occupation for 54 years. As conflict persists between the two populations, it is becoming increasingly difficult to imagine a peaceful resolution. As international legal bodies have failed to bring an end to the occupation, the Israeli government continues to carry out

In 2021, Palestine will have been under official Israeli occupation for 54 years. As conflict persists between the two populations, it is becoming increasingly difficult to imagine a peaceful resolution. As international legal bodies have failed to bring an end to the occupation, the Israeli government continues to carry out extensive violations of human rights against the Palestinians. One significant consequence of the occupation has been the Palestinians’ lack of access to safe and reliable water, a problem that is continuing to worsen as a result of climate change and years of over-utilization of shared, regional water resources. Since the occupation started, international organizations have not only affirmed the general human right to water but have overseen several peace agreements between Israel and Palestine that have included stipulations on water. Despite these measures, neither water access nor quality has improved and, over time, has worsened. This paper will look at why international law has failed to improve conditions for Palestinians and will outline the implications of the water crisis on a potential solution between Israel and Palestine.

ContributorsTimpany, Grace Louise (Author) / Haglund, LaDawn (Thesis director) / Rothenberg, Daniel (Committee member) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor, Contributor, Contributor) / School of Sustainability (Contributor) / School of Social Transformation (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2021-05
Description

In this formative research project, we seek to better understand the general barriers to refugee access to higher education. Using mixed methods research--which included surveys, interviews, and course data--we evaluate the benefits and challenges experienced by refugee students in Israel who are enrolled in Arizona State University's Education for Humanity

In this formative research project, we seek to better understand the general barriers to refugee access to higher education. Using mixed methods research--which included surveys, interviews, and course data--we evaluate the benefits and challenges experienced by refugee students in Israel who are enrolled in Arizona State University's Education for Humanity programs. In the end, this case study resulted in 24 recommend programmatic changes designed to eliminate the barriers that prevent refugee students from accessing and succeeding in higher education.

ContributorsJackman, Julia (Co-author) / Altaf, Amal (Co-author) / DeLargy, Pamela (Thesis director) / Mokwa, Michael (Committee member) / School of Civic & Economic Thought and Leadership (Contributor) / School of Molecular Sciences (Contributor) / School of Human Evolution & Social Change (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2021-05
Description

In this formative research project, we seek to better understand the general barriers to refugee access to higher education. Using mixed methods research--which included surveys, interviews, and course data--we evaluate the benefits and challenges experienced by refugee students in Israel who are enrolled in Arizona State University's Education for Humanity

In this formative research project, we seek to better understand the general barriers to refugee access to higher education. Using mixed methods research--which included surveys, interviews, and course data--we evaluate the benefits and challenges experienced by refugee students in Israel who are enrolled in Arizona State University's Education for Humanity programs. In the end, this case study resulted in 24 recommend programmatic changes designed to eliminate the barriers that prevent refugee students from accessing and succeeding in higher education.

ContributorsAltaf, Amal (Co-author) / Jackman, Julia (Co-author) / DeLargy, Pamela (Thesis director) / Mokwa, Michael (Committee member) / School of Life Sciences (Contributor) / School of Human Evolution & Social Change (Contributor) / Dean, W.P. Carey School of Business (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2021-05
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The majority of trust research has focused on the benefits trust can have for individual actors, institutions, and organizations. This “optimistic bias” is particularly evident in work focused on institutional trust, where concepts such as procedural justice, shared values, and moral responsibility have gained prominence. But trust in institutions may

The majority of trust research has focused on the benefits trust can have for individual actors, institutions, and organizations. This “optimistic bias” is particularly evident in work focused on institutional trust, where concepts such as procedural justice, shared values, and moral responsibility have gained prominence. But trust in institutions may not be exclusively good. We reveal implications for the “dark side” of institutional trust by reviewing relevant theories and empirical research that can contribute to a more holistic understanding. We frame our discussion by suggesting there may be a “Goldilocks principle” of institutional trust, where trust that is too low (typically the focus) or too high (not usually considered by trust researchers) may be problematic. The chapter focuses on the issue of too-high trust and processes through which such too-high trust might emerge. Specifically, excessive trust might result from external, internal, and intersecting external-internal processes. External processes refer to the actions institutions take that affect public trust, while internal processes refer to intrapersonal factors affecting a trustor’s level of trust. We describe how the beneficial psychological and behavioral outcomes of trust can be mitigated or circumvented through these processes and highlight the implications of a “darkest” side of trust when they intersect. We draw upon research on organizations and legal, governmental, and political systems to demonstrate the dark side of trust in different contexts. The conclusion outlines directions for future research and encourages researchers to consider the ethical nuances of studying how to increase institutional trust.

ContributorsNeal, Tess M.S. (Author) / Shockley, Ellie (Author) / Schilke, Oliver (Author)
Created2016
Description

In this project, I explored the need for increased efforts towards intersectional dialogue and collaborative relationship building between student groups on college campuses and at Arizona State University specifically. We tend to stay within our "racially homogeneous subcultures" in college. There should be more efforts toward engaging across all segments

In this project, I explored the need for increased efforts towards intersectional dialogue and collaborative relationship building between student groups on college campuses and at Arizona State University specifically. We tend to stay within our "racially homogeneous subcultures" in college. There should be more efforts toward engaging across all segments of campus, regardless of background, race, ethnicity, sex, gender, etc., cultivating an environment with increased support and allyship. We should embrace the opportunity and rich diversity at Arizona State University.

ContributorsPlattner, Emma (Author) / Bronowitz, Jason (Thesis director) / Shulman, Jake (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / College of Health Solutions (Contributor) / School of Public Affairs (Contributor)
Created2023-05
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Evangelicals (particularly American evangelicals) have largely been seen historically as a monolithic group with similar viewpoints and actions across the board. The group has been tied to historically conservative values and is often held most responsible for the election of President Donald J. Trump. Additionally, American evangelicals have, as a

Evangelicals (particularly American evangelicals) have largely been seen historically as a monolithic group with similar viewpoints and actions across the board. The group has been tied to historically conservative values and is often held most responsible for the election of President Donald J. Trump. Additionally, American evangelicals have, as a whole, supported the modern State of Israel (both financially through individual donations and/or lobbying efforts and spiritually through prayer). Preliminary research suggested, however, that not all evangelicals have adopted this pro-Israel stance. After conducting 10 interviews (with subjects in the United States, Israel and the Palestinian territories) and researching the history of evangelicalism in these areas, it becomes apparent that evangelicals who are from or are currently living in the United States are much more likely to support the State of Israel than those who are from Israel or the Palestinian territories - though it should be emphasized that they claim their support is not unconditional, as several polls and general attitudes toward evangelicals may imply. Above all else, this essay seeks to prove that evangelicals are not a monolithic entity wherein all of its members harbor the same beliefs and attitudes. As the remainder of this essay will show, there is a wide spectrum of perspectives as it pertains to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which suggests that this conflict is not as polarizing within the evangelical community as one might think. Polls with numbers indicating that a majority of evangelicals support Israel might imply that there must then be conflict between those evangelicals and people who do not support Israel. Such polls neglect to highlight the nuance among members of the evangelical community, a fact that this essay will attempt to rectify.
Created2019-05