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This thesis is an account and reading of the taking-place of revolutionary art in Cairo accentuating the affective power of revolutionary spaces, specifically Tahrir and Etehadeya Square(s). In analyzing Cairo's street art in terms of its affective force, this paper illustrates the interconnectivity of place, art and event within a

This thesis is an account and reading of the taking-place of revolutionary art in Cairo accentuating the affective power of revolutionary spaces, specifically Tahrir and Etehadeya Square(s). In analyzing Cairo's street art in terms of its affective force, this paper illustrates the interconnectivity of place, art and event within a revolutionary context. The understandings of Cairo reflected in this paper are temporal, brought to light by happenings of the revolution witnessed during two extended visits and discussed through ethnographic research, art and geographic analysis.
ContributorsFriend, Olivia Louise (Author) / McHugh, Kevin (Thesis director) / Graff, Sarah (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / School of Geographical Sciences and Urban Planning (Contributor) / WPC Graduate Programs (Contributor) / School of Art (Contributor)
Created2015-05
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I argue that the most important value put in jeopardy by the Muslim Brotherhood's rise to power in post-Mubarak Egypt is not democracy but liberalism. Further, I find that that the lens of religion is insufficient to explain and understand the Brotherhood's illiberal tendencies. A review of the group's rhetoric,

I argue that the most important value put in jeopardy by the Muslim Brotherhood's rise to power in post-Mubarak Egypt is not democracy but liberalism. Further, I find that that the lens of religion is insufficient to explain and understand the Brotherhood's illiberal tendencies. A review of the group's rhetoric, along with an examination of the literature on collectivism and individualism, reveals that the Brotherhood's collectivist worldview is at the heart of its opposition to liberalism, an inherently individualistic value. I conclude that viewing the Brotherhood as a movement motivated by a collective sense of morality would provide policymakers and academics with greater insight into the group's behavior and policy positions, facilitating deeper comprehension and greater predictability.
ContributorsColthart, David Anthony (Author) / Gallab, Abdullahi (Thesis director) / Halverson, Jeffry (Committee member) / Simhony, Avital (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / School of International Letters and Cultures (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor)
Created2013-05
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Islamism, not Islam, is a wide-ranging school of political ideology. As defined by this Fred Hillday it is a “determined choice of an Islamic doctrine, rather than the simple fact of being born Muslim.” The Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt at its height was one of the most influential and

Islamism, not Islam, is a wide-ranging school of political ideology. As defined by this Fred Hillday it is a “determined choice of an Islamic doctrine, rather than the simple fact of being born Muslim.” The Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt at its height was one of the most influential and largest Islamist political organizations, but as this thesis will show, its influenced has waned to the point of nonexistence. A large portion of this paper will focus on the history of the Muslim Brotherhood, its leading ideologues such as Hasan al-Banna and Sayyid Qutb, as well as its political strategies that allowed it to become the most powerful organized political force in the country at the time of Mubarak’s ousting. The political experience of Islamists in Morocco, Tunisia and Sudan will be compared to the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt. Moroccan and Tunisian Islamists rebranded themselves as Muslim Democrats in parliamentary political systems post-Arab Spring. Sudan, which saw an Islamist autocracy similar to what the Brotherhood wanted to effect in Egypt, has become a failed state. The 2013 Coup that ended the Brotherhood and Morsi’s time in power also marked the end of the kind of Islamism the Brotherhood promoted, or at least the end of its political popularity in the mainstream across the Middle East.
ContributorsPerle, Daniel Michael (Author) / Souad, Ali (Thesis director) / Abdullahi, Gallab (Committee member) / Walter Cronkite School of Journalism & Mass Comm (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor, Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2019-05
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"The rights of every man are diminished when the rights of one man are threatened".
- John F Kennedy

For over a century now, the United States has publicly professed a commitment to upholding human rights around the world, yet to this day economically supports numerous dictatorships and undemocratic regimes that flout

"The rights of every man are diminished when the rights of one man are threatened".
- John F Kennedy

For over a century now, the United States has publicly professed a commitment to upholding human rights around the world, yet to this day economically supports numerous dictatorships and undemocratic regimes that flout human rights on a daily basis. The rhetoric of American politicians would imply that human rights and democracy are a priority in America's foreign policy, yet given US support for autocracies, both of these principles seem forgotten. If not respect for democracy and human rights, what is truly influencing America's relationship with these countries? I hypothesize that a country's resource availability will be the best predictive factor for its economic relationship with the US, followed by its military involvement with the US, and finally, human rights records will be the least predictive factor. The study found that a country's military cooperation with the US is the best predictive factor regarding our economic relationship, resource availability comes with a weak correlation, and human rights abuses very rarely substantively impact our economic relationships.
ContributorsPlummer, Gage (Author) / Hanson, Margaret (Thesis director) / Ripley, Charles (Committee member) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2020-05