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- All Subjects: Global Studies
- Creators: College of Liberal Arts and Sciences
- Creators: Larson, Elizabeth
Description
Restraint stress is the most commonly used laboratory stressor. It is difficult to characterize as psychological or physical, because past studies show psychological features, but the nature of confinement adds a physical dimension. This was the first study to investigate how experience with restraint stress affects brain response to the next stress without a physical burden. Pair-housed adult male rats were transported to a novel context and restrained or left undisturbed (6hr). The next day, rats were returned to the same context and were either restrained or left undisturbed in the context (n=8/group). After 90min, rats were euthanized to determine functional activation in limbic structures using Fos immunohistochemistry and to measure HPA axis reactivity through blood serum corticosterone levels. Regardless of day 1 experience, context exposure on day 2 enhanced Fos expression in CA1 and CA3 of the hippocampus, basolateral amygdala, and central amygdala. Conversely, other regions and corticosterone levels demonstrated modulation from the previous day's experience. Specifically, rats that were placed back into the restraint context but not restrained on day 2 showed enhanced Fos expression in the dentate gyrus suprapyramidal blade (DGSup), and infralimbic cortex (IL). Also Fos expression was attenuated in rats that received two restraint exposures in the IL and medial amygdala (MEA), suggesting habituation. Only the DG infrapyramidal blade (DGInf) showed enhanced Fos expression to restraint on day 2 without influence of the previous day. While context predominately directed Fos activation, prior experience with restraint influenced Fos expression in the DGSup, IL, MEA and corticosterone levels to support restraint having psychological components.
ContributorsAnouti, P. Danya (Author) / Conrad, D. Cheryl (Thesis director) / Hammer, Ronald (Committee member) / Hoffman, N. Ann (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / College of Liberal Arts and Sciences (Contributor)
Created2012-12
Description
“¡No hay problemas en España! (There are no problems in Spain!) My professor exclaimed, grinning at his American students’ first day jitters. I arrived in Granada, Spain on January 7, 2012 and instantly noticed a dramatic shift in priorities; the term “quality of life” took on an entirely new identity. Quality of life studies have become increasingly popular, and many researchers have realized there are more meaningful ways to measure the wellbeing of a community that transcends gross domestic product. Instead of merely measuring financial progress, quality of life studies emphasize that communities rich in health and happiness may be more valuable to its residents and the world than those only concerned with financial wealth. The United Nations Development program takes life expectancy into account, but not the quality of the years lived (Schimmel, 2009). As long as it is a formal economic interaction, gross domestic product accounts for it, including negative aspects of a community like natural disasters and divorce (McKibben, 2007). “Under the current system... the most ‘economically productive citizen’ is a cancer patient who totals his car on his way to meet with his divorce lawyer” (McKibben, 2007, p. 28). If the polluted air causes higher rates of cancer in a population, the costs paid into the economy for medical treatment transfer right into our GDP. GDP does not distinguish between the economic transactions that improve our lives and those that hurt them. The graph below displays the false yet passively accepted idea that an increase in economic development necessarily leads to a higher sense of wellbeing. Although GDP per capita in the United States has risen threefold since 1960, happiness levels have not changed (Helliwell, Layard, & Sachs, 2012), and as the ultimate goal of human beings (Bergheim, 2006), we should be dedicating more research to accomplishing happiness, rather than a higher income. In fact, money only correlates with happiness up to a certain point, and depending on which researcher you ask, that number is between $10,000 per capita income (McKibben, 2007) and $50,000 per capita income (Shadyac, Shimizu, & Belic, 2011). Individuals included in Forbes magazine’s wealthiest Americans list have the same happiness as the Amish in Pennsylvania, and only slightly higher happiness than Swedes, as well as Masai tribesmen (McKibben, 2007). This phenomenon is worldwide, as Costa Ricans are happier than the Japanese and the French are equally satisfied as the Venezuelans (McKibben, 2007).
ContributorsStein, Melissa (Author) / Rodriguez, Ariel (Thesis director) / Phillips, Rhonda (Committee member) / Larsen, Dale (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / College of Liberal Arts and Sciences (Contributor)
Created2012-12
Description
"Phoenix as Refuge: A Photographic Exploration of Refugees Within the City" was a creative thesis project that aimed to bridge the gap between divided communities by creating awareness of refugees within the city of Phoenix. Through an IRB approved research study, multiple refugee families were interviewed and photographed. The project documented refugees and their stories and then made those interviews accessible to the greater Phoenix community. The purpose was to make the Phoenix community more aware of refugees in the hopes that this awareness would increase community activism and advocacy for this resilient yet vulnerable minority group. This paper explains the refugee resettlement process and addresses the social and economic implications of refugee resettlement and advocacy within an urban area. Many inhabitants of Phoenix are unaware the refugees that live in their city because of the geographic divide between social classes and ethnic groups. In highly urbanized communities, the geographic layout of the city leads to a more individualistic and segregated society. This notion leads to a discussion of Robert Putnam's theory of social capital, which argued that by improving and fostering social connections, one could increase social well-being and even make the economy more efficient. This paper then applies Putnam's ideas to the interaction between refugees and non-refugees, using space as a determining factor in measuring the social capital of the Phoenix community. As evident in the study of Phoenix's geographic divide between social and economic classes, Phoenix, like many urban cities, is not designed in a way that fosters social capital. Therefore, advocacy must go beyond people and into advocacy for a different kind of city and place that sets up refugees, and non-refugees alike, to succeed. In this way, rethinking the city through urban planning becomes integral to making new social networks possible, building social capital, and increasing social welfare in urban spaces.
ContributorsRutledge, Chloe Grace (Author) / Sivak, Henry (Thesis director) / Larson, Elizabeth (Committee member) / School of Art (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / School of International Letters and Cultures (Contributor) / Economics Program in CLAS (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2017-12