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Establishing a healthcare practice in the U. S. by a Mexican national involves many different steps at federal as well as state levels. The recent implementation of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act overhauls some requirements which include increased Medicaid eligibility as well as mandatory health insurance coverage. With

Establishing a healthcare practice in the U. S. by a Mexican national involves many different steps at federal as well as state levels. The recent implementation of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act overhauls some requirements which include increased Medicaid eligibility as well as mandatory health insurance coverage. With these changes taking place over the next few years, the need for healthcare providers will expand. Consequently, I look into the requirements of establishing an urgent care practice in the state of Arizona. Given that Phoenix has a 40.8% Hispanic population and that the Affordable Care Act will increase the coverage of this demographic, it is the city of focus for my analysis. In order to make access to the Arizona healthcare market more impartial and accessible to Mexican entrepreneurs, changes need to be made to the certification process of medical physicians who graduated from Mexican universities. The general disadvantage of Mexican physicians as compared to their U. S. counterparts comes in the form of increased certification times and additional processes. An equal playing field will allow the ease in movement of medical physicians between the U. S. and Mexico which will help meet the increased demand over the next few years. From ownership to taxation and medical billing and coding, this analysis focuses on the many requirements needed to establish an urgent care in Arizona.
ContributorsIbarra, Joseph Anthony (Author) / Carlos, Velez-Ibanez (Thesis director) / Cruz-Torres, Maria (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / W. P. Carey School of Business (Contributor)
Created2014-05
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Neighborhoods are important aspects of the adolescent and family ecology. Cultural developmental perspectives posit that neighborhood environments contain both promoting and inhibiting characteristics for ethnic-racial minoritized populations (García Coll et al., 1996). Historically, neighborhood researchers have approached Latino neighborhoods from a deficit perspective. Thus, there is limited research about how

Neighborhoods are important aspects of the adolescent and family ecology. Cultural developmental perspectives posit that neighborhood environments contain both promoting and inhibiting characteristics for ethnic-racial minoritized populations (García Coll et al., 1996). Historically, neighborhood researchers have approached Latino neighborhoods from a deficit perspective. Thus, there is limited research about how Latino neighborhoods support Latino youth development and family processes. In my dissertation, I examine both the promoting and inhibiting aspects of Latino identified neighborhoods for adolescent development.

In study 1, I prospectively examined a model in which Mexican-origin parents’ perceptions of social and cultural resources in neighborhoods may support parents to engage in higher levels of cultural socialization and, in turn, promote adolescents’ ethnic-racial identity (ERI). Findings suggest neighborhood social and cultural cohesion in late childhood promoted middle adolescents’ ERI affirmation via intermediate increases in maternal cultural socialization. Similar patterns were observed for ERI resolution, but only for adolescents whose mothers were born in the United States. Findings have critical implications for how neighborhoods support parents’ cultural socialization practices and adolescents’ ERI.

In study 2, I used a convergent mixed methods research design to compare and contrast researchers’ neighborhood assessments collected using systematic social observations (e.g., physical disorder, sociocultural symbols) with adolescents’ qualitative neighborhood assessments collected by semi-structured interviews with Mexican-origin adolescents. Using quantitative methods, I found that researchers observed varying degrees of physical disorder, physical decay, street safety, and sociocultural symbols across adolescents’ neighborhood environments. Using qualitative methods, I found that adolescents observed these same neighborhood features about half the time, but also that they often layered additional meaning on top of distinct neighborhood features. Using mixed methods I found that, in the context of high spatial concordance, there was a high degree of overlap between researchers and adolescents in terms of agreement on the presence of physical disorder, physical decay, street safety, and sociocultural symbols. Lastly, adolescents often expanded upon these neighborhood environmental features, especially with references to positive and negative affect and resources. Overall, findings from study 2 underscore the importance using mixed methods to address the shared and unique aspects of researchers’ objectivity and adolescents’ phenomenology.
ContributorsPasco, Michelle Christine (Author) / White, Rebecca M. B. (Thesis advisor) / Seaton, Eleanor (Committee member) / Updegraff, Kimberly (Committee member) / Iida, Masumi (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2020