Matching Items (4)
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- All Subjects: Civil war
- All Subjects: Conflict
- Creators: Wood, Reed
Description
The purpose of this honors thesis is to explain the varying levels of sexual violence against women across time, location and conflicts. Violence against civilians is utilized as an independent variable to measure if the level of violence of a pre-conflict environment widens the space for the exploitation of sexual violence. Women's status is used as an additional independent variable in order to measure if a pre-conflict environment that promotes gender equality moderates the presence of sexual violence as it discourages unequal power dynamics. GDP per capita and population will be used as control variables in order to include consideration of state capacity. Sexual violence will be the dependent variable. In order to statistically measure and depict the relationships between these variables, bivariate correlations and multivariate linear regressions will be utilized. The bivariate correlations showed that as civilian violence increased, sexual violence increased as well, but as women's status increased, sexual violence decreased. The linear regression models found that state actors and rebel groups yielded differing results. For state actors, the increase in women's status failed to moderate the level of sexual violence as an increase in civilian violence and women's status resulted in an increase in sexual violence. However, for rebel groups, an increase in civilian violence and women's status led to a decrease in sexual violence, thereby depicting women's status as a moderating factor. This creates a problem in identifying one or a few factors that predominately lead to an increase in sexual violence; such identification is key for the development of preventative policy.
ContributorsWinans, Sierra Brooke (Author) / Wright, Thorin (Thesis director) / Wood, Reed (Committee member) / School of International Letters and Cultures (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2016-12
Description
ABSTRACT
The purpose of involvement of Non-Governmental organizations (NGOs) in armed conflict resolution is to help to keep peace, protect innocent people, contribute to relief operations, to advocate, assist in the reconstruction and development programs. This action is always carried out through the NGOs grassroots mediation processes. This study investigates the prospective of implementing humanitarian programs to help and care for the young war child survivors of the 1991 to 2001 civil wars in Sierra Leone.
To explore the intervention of the NGOs activities in the civil wars in Sierra Leone, I examined three NGOs and one governmental institution as case study organizations. The NGOs include 1) UNICEF, 2) World Vision, 3) Plan International and 4) the Ministry of Social Welfare, Gender, and Childrens’ Affair (MSWGCA) as government agency. The research investigates the NGOs and MSWGC’s specific services provided to children during and after the war in Sierra Leone. The specific services include: 1) the NGOs’ implementing policies, 2) who got served and under what conditions, 3) what models of services do they use, 4) what kind of government policies were put in place, 5) what were the challenges they faced, and 6) what were their strategies during and after the civil war in Sierra Leone. There were also ten Adult Survivors of Childhood Exposure to War (ASCEW) members interviewed to balance the NGOs’ claims. Based on my literature review and findings on ASCEW, I make my recommendations to allow the organizations to move forward with their humanitarian operations.
The purpose of involvement of Non-Governmental organizations (NGOs) in armed conflict resolution is to help to keep peace, protect innocent people, contribute to relief operations, to advocate, assist in the reconstruction and development programs. This action is always carried out through the NGOs grassroots mediation processes. This study investigates the prospective of implementing humanitarian programs to help and care for the young war child survivors of the 1991 to 2001 civil wars in Sierra Leone.
To explore the intervention of the NGOs activities in the civil wars in Sierra Leone, I examined three NGOs and one governmental institution as case study organizations. The NGOs include 1) UNICEF, 2) World Vision, 3) Plan International and 4) the Ministry of Social Welfare, Gender, and Childrens’ Affair (MSWGCA) as government agency. The research investigates the NGOs and MSWGC’s specific services provided to children during and after the war in Sierra Leone. The specific services include: 1) the NGOs’ implementing policies, 2) who got served and under what conditions, 3) what models of services do they use, 4) what kind of government policies were put in place, 5) what were the challenges they faced, and 6) what were their strategies during and after the civil war in Sierra Leone. There were also ten Adult Survivors of Childhood Exposure to War (ASCEW) members interviewed to balance the NGOs’ claims. Based on my literature review and findings on ASCEW, I make my recommendations to allow the organizations to move forward with their humanitarian operations.
ContributorsBockarie, Michael Idriss (Author) / Anokye, Akua D (Thesis advisor) / Erfani, Julie M (Committee member) / Vaughan, Suzanne (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2016
Description
A growing body of literature has sought to explain the nature and effects of conflict-related sexualized violence. However, a critical problem that persists concerns why wartime rape varies both within and across conflicts. Political science literature mainly addresses these questions of variation in sexualized violence through group-level or structural explanations. Yet, clear patterns of combatant non-participation in conflict-related sexualized violence is apparent, even in cases where sexual violence is severe and pervasive. What allows one combatant to refrain, while another combatant, even within the same combat unit, perpetrates sexualized violence? In this dissertation, I argue that critical differences concerning attitudes, beliefs, and motivations exist between individual combatants. In light of these differences, I reintroduce the individual combatant onto the theoretical map as a critical unit of analysis and I explore the implications of gender inequality as an important and relevant factor related to sexualized violence in political conflict. Drawing on findings from social psychology, political psychology, sociology, and political science, the theory developed argues that combatants differentially internalize important norms related to gender that become particularly activated based on primarily externalized contextual influences. To test the theory, I conduct a mixed-method, sub-national comparative analysis of combatants and attitudes and beliefs associated with gender inequality during the Bosnian War (1992 – 1995). I rely on qualitative data generated from semi-structured, comprehensive interviews with psychologists, victim’s advocates, and legal experts managing sexual violence war crimes cases, and combat veterans directly associated with the Bosnian War (1992 – 1995) to assess differences at the individual-level of analysis. To additionally determine the broader effects of gender inequality, I employ an ordered probit regression analysis to ascertain the relationship between gender inequality related to institutional health and education factors and the severity of wartime rape. The combined results of these analyses demonstrate that individual differences between combatants better predicts the likelihood of a combatant to commit sexualized violence compared to structural or institutional accounts alone.
ContributorsWilliamson, Holly, Ph.D (Author) / Kittilson, Miki (Thesis advisor) / Lake, Milli (Committee member) / Wood, Reed (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2019
Description
National infrastructure form the bedrock for economic growth and social security, both of which lowers conflict risks. This encourages states and international organizations to invest heavily in post-conflict infrastructure reconstruction efforts, believing that infrastructure provision will reduce future political instability. This belief is based largely on the perceived successes of reconstruction efforts in prior eras, especially after World War II. Today, post-conflict reconstruction efforts are much less successful in this regard and, overall, are not reducing political instability---Iraq being the quintessential example of such policy failure. In the face of both ongoing conflict and persistent needs for infrastructure reconstruction after conflicts, therefore, there is a critical need to understand two questions: Why are current reconstruction efforts failing to reduce political instability or even, in some cases, increasing it? And, how can reconstruction efforts be organized to do better? To address these questions, this dissertation examines infrastructure reconstruction across a wide range of national contexts. In doing this, an updated viewpoint is provided on the role of infrastructure in conflict-prone areas to include a long-term perspective on infrastructure system's role in society, technological integration, and relationship between the state and conflicting groups. This dissertation finds that though provision of different types of infrastructure might increase conflict risks in the short term, such provision can reduce conflict in the long run depending on how and where infrastructure is provided vis-a-vis excluded populations. These results provide crucial input towards the redesign of reconstruction policies to limit future political instability risks through infrastructure.
ContributorsMolfino, Emily Suzanne (Author) / Miller, Clark (Thesis advisor) / Fisher, Erik (Committee member) / Wood, Reed (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2014