Since the beginning of his campaign in 2015, former President Donald Trump has enjoyed the support of a broad coalition of domestic, radical far-right groups and has himself peddled several conspiracy theories favored by these groups. Even prior to his campaign, Trump supported far-right conspiracies, evidenced by his strong support for birtherism, the belief that former President Obama was not a U.S. citizen or Christian. Instead of distancing himself and his administration from these groups, President Trump repeatedly refused to forcefully and continuously denounce these far-right extremists and consistently amplified both individuals ideologically associated with these groups and the groups themselves. This continual behavior by President Trump, coupled with his endorsement of election fraud theories after his loss in the 2020 election, culminated in an armed insurrection against the United States Government on January 6th 2021. The armed mob that stormed the Capitol, which was directly incited into violence by President Trump, consisted of a multitude of individuals, many of which belonged to different far-right extremist groups. Despite their aesthetic and strategic differences, these separate groups were united in their support of President Trump, who they viewed as a leader promoting their various causes. These groups were part of a movement that had attached itself to Donald Trump, one that Trump directly fostered through his rhetoric and actions. I believe that this Trump centered movement exhibits significant fascist elements and undertones. In order to make sense of these fascist elements, I will use of Robert O. Paxton’s historical analysis and account of fascism to contextualize and understand the ideology. I will examine the President’s role in creating this far-right movement and amplifying the messaging & profile of various the far-right groups that supported him, before arguing that Trump and his far-right movement possess many of the requisite qualifiers to be potentially be labeled as fascist under Paxton’s account. This examination will reveal the similarities between these far-right groups, painting a clearer picture as to why they participated in this movement and aligned themselves in support of Trump. Finally, I will examine the potential short and long term solutions to addressing or resolving the problems that have been left in the wake of the Trump presidency. How did different far-right extremist groups with varying ideologies form a politically mainstream coalition large enough to impact American electoral politics? I will argue that former President Trump’s inflammatory rhetoric, consistent refusal to strongly denounce far-right groups, and amplification of far-right individuals and ideas fostered an environment for these groups to thrive.
For this thesis project, I went back to Mexico to speak with journalists and academics about the country’s political history, the history of its press, and what it is like to work as a reporter under the López Obrador administration.
This project uses qualitative interviews with Mexican and American reporters and academics in Mexico and the United States with firsthand experience reporting on Trump and AMLO and thorough knowledge on Mexican culture and history. It will attempt to explain how, even though attacks on the press are similar on both sides of the border, López Obrador’s attacks on the press in Mexico have a larger impact because of the Mexican press’ relatively young independence, influenced by a system of government censure and control over the media, as well as the lasting effects of the Mexican political system in the 20th century.
During the first week of his presidency, President Trump signed three executive orders that would serve as the basis for three of his administration’s most prominent deterrent immigration policies: the “Trump Travel Bans,” sanctuary jurisdictions, and the construction of a southern border wall. While this paper describes the intended goals of each executive order, it also details the complementary policies utilized by the administration to deter both legal and undocumented immigration. Though these federal policies target different immigrant groups, they all attempt to deter some form of immigration. It is the goal of this paper to analyze whether or not the immigration policies of the Trump administration are actually effective in deterring multiple forms of immigration. To do this, this paper asks two main questions.
Each section of this paper addresses two questions when analyzing the goals of each policy. First, are the deterrent immigration policies of the Trump administration effective in reducing threats to national security and/or undocumented immigration? Next, this paper questions whether or not the deterrent immigration policies of the Trump administration are mostly symbolic in nature.
Finally, this paper includes a future policies section which predicts future immigration policies President Trump may decide to undertake. This section bases these hypotheses on the three policies detailed within this paper and their results when compared to their intended goals. Finally, this section takes into account the symbolic nature of the deterrent immigration policies of the Trump administration.