Matching Items (7)
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- All Subjects: Political Science
- Creators: Ripley, Charles
Description
The purpose of this dissertation is to study not only relations between Latin America and the United States, but also Latin American states with each other. It specifically aims to examine the extent to which the United States, the principal hegemonic power in the Americas, can play a constructive role by providing regional public goods. These goods include conflict resolution and economic progress. Although the United States has the potential to create such goods, it also has the potential to create public bads in the form of regional instability, political terror, and economic stagnation. This raises two fundamental research questions: Under what conditions can Washington play a positive role and if these conditions cannot be met, under what conditions can Latin American nations bypass the United States and create their own economic progress and conflict resolution strategies? Drawing upon qualitative research methods and case studies that have attracted scant academic attention, this dissertation finds that through regional multilateral diplomatic negotiations, the United States can play a positive role. However, due to U.S. parochial economic interests and the marginalization of diplomacy as a foreign policy tool, these conditions rarely occur. This research further finds, however, that through flexible regionalization Latin American nations can bypass the United States and create their own goods. Supported by an alternative regional power, flexible regionalization relies upon supranational institutions that exclude the United States, emphasize permanent political and economic integration, and avoid inflexible monetary unions. Through this type of regionalization, Latin America can decrease U.S. interference, sustain political and economic autonomy, and open space for alternative conflict resolution strategies and economic policies that Washington would otherwise oppose. This dissertation is academically significant and policy relevant. First, it reconsiders diplomacy as an instrumental variable for peace and offers generalizable results that can be applied to additional cases. Moreover, finding that Latin American countries can address their own regional issues, this study recognizes the positive agency of Latin America and counters the negative essentialization commonly found in U.S. academic and policy research. Finally, this research offers policy advice for both the United States and Latin America.
ContributorsRipley, Charles (Author) / Doty, Roxanne L (Thesis advisor) / Stoner, Lynn (Committee member) / Simon, Sheldon (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2013
Description
This research conducts two methods of rhetorical analysis of State of the Union Addresses: 1. Computational linguistic analysis of all State of the Union Addresses from 1790-2007, and 2. Close-readings and rhetorical analyses of two addresses: one by President Truman and one by President Reagan. This research shows the following key findings: 1. I am able to see general shifts in the authors' approaches to the State of the Union Address through historical computational analyses of the content of all speeches, and 2. Through close readings, I can understand the impact of the author's ethos and the historical context on the addresses, something that would not be readily revealed in a computational analysis. This study starts with a historical computational linguistic analysis of all State of the Union Addresses between 1790 and 2007. The study follows with close-readings of two State of the Union Addresses from the early and late Cold War period in-context: 1. Harry Truman's 1951 Address and 2. Ronald Reagan's 1986 Address. The main conclusions drawn from this research are that close-readings of State of the Union Addresses cannot be replaced by computational analyses, but can work in tandem with computerized text analysis to reveal shifts in rhetorical and topical features. This paper argues that there must be more close analyses in coordination with large-scale text analysis in order to understand the complexities of rhetorical situations.
ContributorsWegner, Peter (Author) / Goggin, Maureen (Thesis advisor) / Boyd, Patricia (Committee member) / Goggin, Peter (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2013
Description
The deadly shipwrecks of migrant boats in the Mediterranean brought international attention to the plight of migrants in the mid-2010s but the focus soon shifted from humanitarian assistance to capturing smugglers and preventing migrants from reaching the shores of Europe. The step towards a humane migration policy was a short-lived diversion from the project of “Fortress Europe” undertaken since the passing of the Schengen Convention. This project seeks to harden the external borders of Europe and prevent refugees from accessing the asylum system by enlisting neighboring non-European states to prevent migration at the point of departure. Deals such as the EU-Turkey deal of 2016 and the Spanish-Moroccan deals have resulted in migrants being funneled into increasingly dangerous corridors, such as Libya, as the safest and shortest paths are cut off. Although these deals are problematic in their own right, they pale in comparison to the egregious Italy-Libya Memorandum of 2017, which in practice enables Libyan militias to enforce Italy’s migration policy within the Libyan “rescue zone.” The human rights abuses perpetrated by these Libyan mercenaries in makeshift detention centers and on the Mediterranean are well documented, yet the Italian government continues to renew the deal and continue supplying these criminal groups. This literature review examines the issue of European border externalization in the Mediterranean and its impact on the internationally recognized rights of migrants and the stability of African governments. Using a systematic review of existing research, I analyze the key themes and trends that have emerged in the literature on this topic, including the legal and ethical implications of border externalization policies, the impact on African economies and governments, and the human rights implications for migrants. The review concludes that international courts are becoming increasingly ineffective in enforcing the rights of refugees and recommends a reform of the international refugee protection regime to favor autonomous movement.
ContributorsYousefelahi, Shawn (Author) / Wheatley, Abby (Thesis director) / Ripley, Charles (Committee member) / Paynter, Eleanor (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / Economics Program in CLAS (Contributor)
Created2023-05
Description
In the developed world, we often take the positive correlation between openness to trade and development for granted. After all, the world has seen the greatest amount of economic growth ever in this relatively short period of time in which global markets have been very accessible. There can be many factors attributed to this perspective on the near-universal association between trade and wealth, such as its simple, intuitive reasoning, a historical drive for developed nations to seek out beneficial trade opportunities, or perhaps even a general lack of awareness when it comes to how such enterprising attitudes may impact those living in entirely different civilizations. Whatever the reasoning may be, the reality is that global trade or openness to it is not as cut and dry as many would like to believe, nor does trade openness come as freely as one might expect, as certain conditions are needed in order to foster access to well-developed markets. It has been observed recently that the cost of doing trade, so to speak, has been increasing globally as certain state and nonstate actors push against the free trade model developed by the United States after World War II. It is with this challenge in mind that we explore the recent changes in the balance of global power dynamics that have led to a decline in the openness of the globalized economy. Saying this, we are not advocating for an end to "globalization", rather, this paper is meant to observe multiple potential frustrations to the current economic global order and the resulting fallout of trade among the world’s top economies.
ContributorsKozub, Alexander (Author) / Kozub, Nikolaus (Co-author) / Abraham-Lodmell, Spencer (Co-author) / Collins, Gregory Collins (Thesis director) / Ripley, Charles (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / Department of Supply Chain Management (Contributor) / Dean, W.P. Carey School of Business (Contributor)
Created2024-05
Description
Out of all of the participants in World War I, the most curious, in my opinion, is Great Britain. With the English Channel guaranteeing a navally superior Britain could guarantee its independence indefinitely, joining a world war does not seem like the obvious move to make. Despite this, on August 4th, 1914 Britain was at war with Germany. In my paper, I will argue that the invasion of Belgium provided the catalyst for a great power conflict due to the institutional, material, and personal realities that set the two nations on a collision course.
ContributorsKlein, Julian (Author) / Harper, Tobias (Thesis director) / Ripley, Charles (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / Historical, Philosophical & Religious Studies, Sch (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor)
Created2024-05
Description
Vladimir Putin’s 2022 escalation of the Russo-Ukrainian war reveals how power functions in the post-Soviet era Russia. Understanding this war as a global and regional conflict underwritten by longer-term historical and cultural factors is crucial to analyzing whether this war is exceptional or is part of a larger pattern that is redefining politics. Putin’s invocation of the Pan-Slavic movement of the early nineteenth century gives a new shape to an old form of populist agitation which stands in tension with the classic state building question of a “grand strategy”. Based on the premise that Putin may be engaging simultaneously in alliance building at a regional level, in an aggressive nationalist re-engineering of Slavic cultural ideals, and in a post-Cold War reimagining of empire, this thesis analyzes the national, international, transnational neo-populist and imperial/geo-political forces at play not just in the war, but in the actions of Russia’s leader as a kind of model for the present. This thesis studies how changing notions of politics relate to changing notions of (a particularly destructive kind of) leadership. Putin’s actions will be viewed through multiple leadership theory lenses insofar as a working characterization of Putin and his media image may be created, but also as a working hypothesis for understanding why the Russo-Ukrainian war is being conducted the way it is. Critical analysis of the forms of nationalism that Putin is weaponizing for political gain will offer new insights regarding how nationalism as a form of rhetoric has evolved since the 20th Century.
ContributorsMurray, Joseph Nathaniel (Author) / Oberle, Eric (Thesis advisor) / Ripley, Charles (Committee member) / Ellsworth, Kevin (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2024
Description
In the developed world, we often take the positive correlation between openness to trade and development for granted. After all, the world has seen the greatest amount of economic growth ever in this relatively short period of time in which global markets have been very accessible. There can be many factors attributed to this perspective on the near-universal association between trade and wealth, such as its simple, intuitive reasoning, a historical drive for developed nations to seek out beneficial trade opportunities, or perhaps even a general lack of awareness when it comes to how such enterprising attitudes may impact those living in entirely different civilizations. Whatever the reasoning may be, the reality is that global trade or openness to it is not as cut and dry as many would like to believe, nor does trade openness come as freely as one might expect, as certain conditions are needed in order to foster access to well-developed markets. It has been observed recently that the cost of doing trade, so to speak, has been increasing globally as certain state and nonstate actors push against the free trade model developed by the United States after World War II. It is with this challenge in mind that we explore the recent changes in the balance of global power dynamics that have led to a decline in the openness of the globalized economy. Saying this, we are not advocating for an end to "globalization", rather, this paper is meant to observe multiple potential frustrations to the current economic global order and the resulting fallout of trade among the world’s top economies.
ContributorsAbraham-Lodmell, Spencer (Author) / Kozub, Nikolaus (Co-author) / Kozub, Alexander (Co-author) / Collins, Gregory (Thesis director) / Ripley, Charles (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / School of Civic & Economic Thought and Leadership (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / Historical, Philosophical & Religious Studies, Sch (Contributor)
Created2024-05