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- Creators: College of Liberal Arts and Sciences
- Creators: School of Mathematical and Statistical Sciences
Description
Understanding more about the similarities and differences in cultural perceptions of climate change-related disease causation can better inform culturally specific public health measures. Using interviews conducted with 685 adults in eight diverse global locations ranging from Fiji and China to England and Phoenix, Arizona, this study explores climate change-disease beliefs within and across diverse cultures and comparisons between cultural and scientific models. A cultural consensus analysis was employed to identify a "culturally correct" model for each study site. Next, a scientific model was generated based on current scientific consensus regarding climate change- disease connections. Using the Quadratic Assignment Procedure (QAP), we determined the amount of correlation shared between the scientific model and each cultural model. The analysis revealed a high level of intercorrelation between the models of English speaking, economically developed sites such as Phoenix, Arizona. Additionally, cultural models from the non-English speaking sites were highly intercorrelated with one another. Overall, the English speaking sites tended to have more complex models with a greater density of causal links. Cultural models from the English speaking sites also demonstrated high levels of correlation with the scientific model. In comparison, the cultural models from the non-English speaking sites exhibited little correlation with the scientific model. Based on these findings, we suggest that cultural beliefs related to climate change-related disease causation may be influenced by complex local factors. For example, differences in education and media influences along with localized differences in climate change impacts may, in part, contribute to divergences between the cultural models.
ContributorsMcAlister, Alyssa Brittney (Author) / Wutich, Amber (Thesis director) / Brewis Slade, Alexandra (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / School of Earth and Space Exploration (Contributor) / School of Human Evolution and Social Change (Contributor) / School of Mathematical and Statistical Sciences (Contributor)
Created2014-05
Description
This study examines associations between clean water, sanitation, mosquito net usage, and immune biomarkers among the Tsimane, a remote subsistence population of forager-horticulturalists with a high pathogen load. Interviews with heads of household (n=710, aged 18-92, median age 40 years) were conducted to ascertain household water sources, ownership and usage of mosquito nets, and latrine use. In this sample, 21% of households used latrines, 20% always boiled their water, and 85% used mosquito nets. Regression models estimate their associations biomarkers of pathogen exposure, including white blood cell count (WBC), hemoglobin (Hb), eosinophils, and sedimentation rate (ESR). Controlling for age, sex, and distance from the closest market town, latrine use (Std. β = -0.11, p= 0.017) and boiling water (Std. β = -0.08, p= 0.059) are associated with lower WBCs. Latrine use is marginally associated with higher hemoglobin (Std. β = 0.09, p= 0.048), but not boiling water (p= 0.447). ESR trends toward lower levels for households that always boil water (Std. β= -0.09, p= 0.131), but is not associated with latrine use (p=0.803). Latrine use was significantly associated with lower eosinophil counts (Std. β= -0.14, p=0.013), but not boiling water (p=0.240). Mosquito nets are not associated with any of these biomarkers. Both boiling water and latrine use are associated with better health outcomes in this sample. These results suggest that scarce public health resources in rural subsistence populations without malarial risk may wish to prioritize boiling water and latrine use to improve health outcomes.
ContributorsDinkel, Katelyn Aubree (Author) / Trumble, Benjamin (Thesis director) / Costa, Megan (Committee member) / Jehn, Megan (Committee member) / School of Mathematical and Statistical Sciences (Contributor) / School of Human Evolution & Social Change (Contributor) / School of Life Sciences (Contributor) / School of International Letters and Cultures (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2019-05
Description
Background: Latinos represent 40.8% of the population in Phoenix (U.S. Census Bureau Population Division, 2010). South Phoenix, also known as the South Mountain Village, defined in geographical terms as area zip codes 85040 and 85042; is a predominantly Latino community comprised of mixed citizenship status households. During the 2010 United States Census 60.3% of the population in South Phoenix identified as Latino, 25.75% of the total population was foreign born. Of the foreign born population, 88.95% were of Latin American origin (United States Census Bureau, 2007-2011 American Community Survey). Understanding how Latino immigrants perceive differences in health between their communities in country of origin and communities in the United States is largely unknown. Irrespective of political positions, understanding how Latino immigrants perceive personal health and the health of their communities is of interest to inform public policy and implement needed interventions in the
public health sphere.
Methods: Semi-structured interviews were collected from 55 adults from the South Phoenix community between November 2009 and September 2010. Interviews were digitally recorded with participant permission and transcribed. Of those collected, 48 transcribed interviews were analyzed using a codebook designed by the researcher. Percent agreement evaluated inter-rater reliability.Results: Latino immigrants in South Phoenix largely agree that health quality is heavily dependent on personal responsibility and not an intrinsic attribute of a given place. Emotional contentedness and distress, both factors of mental health, are impacted by cross-cultural differences between Latino and U.S. culture systems.
Conclusions: As people’s personal perceptions of differences in health are complex concepts influenced by personal backgrounds, culture, and beliefs, attempting to demark a side of the border as ‘healthier’ than the other using personal perceptions is overly simplified and misses central concepts. Instead, exploration of individual variables impacting health allowed this study to gain a more nuanced understanding in how people determine quality of both personal and environmental health. While Latino migrants in South Phoenix largely agree that health is based on personal responsibility and choices, many nonetheless experience higher levels of contentedness and emotional health in their country of origin.
public health sphere.
Methods: Semi-structured interviews were collected from 55 adults from the South Phoenix community between November 2009 and September 2010. Interviews were digitally recorded with participant permission and transcribed. Of those collected, 48 transcribed interviews were analyzed using a codebook designed by the researcher. Percent agreement evaluated inter-rater reliability.Results: Latino immigrants in South Phoenix largely agree that health quality is heavily dependent on personal responsibility and not an intrinsic attribute of a given place. Emotional contentedness and distress, both factors of mental health, are impacted by cross-cultural differences between Latino and U.S. culture systems.
Conclusions: As people’s personal perceptions of differences in health are complex concepts influenced by personal backgrounds, culture, and beliefs, attempting to demark a side of the border as ‘healthier’ than the other using personal perceptions is overly simplified and misses central concepts. Instead, exploration of individual variables impacting health allowed this study to gain a more nuanced understanding in how people determine quality of both personal and environmental health. While Latino migrants in South Phoenix largely agree that health is based on personal responsibility and choices, many nonetheless experience higher levels of contentedness and emotional health in their country of origin.
ContributorsGray, Laurel (Author) / Wutich, Amber (Thesis director) / Quiroga, S. Seline (Committee member) / Nelson, Margaret (Committee member) / Slade, B. Alexandra (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / College of Liberal Arts and Sciences (Contributor)
Created2013-05
Description
“Recite (read)! In the name of your lord who has created all that exists” (1:96 Qur‟an). “Iqra” was the first word revealed to the Prophet of Islam (PBUH). The word “iqra” is an imperative verb in Arabic, and in the context of the verse it is commanding the Prophet (PBUH) to recite. This fact carries great significance as it was the first command given to the Muslims (Ibn Kathir). Muslims believe the Qur'an is in its original form and language, Arabic. Arabic is considered to be in inexhaustible language due to its vast vocabulary and root-based origin (Humza Yusuf). Each root is typically based on three letters, which are conjugated in different ways to creating individual words. Any word in the Qur'an can be traced back to a root word, thus enhancing the meaning of each carefully chosen phrase (Ibn Kathir). The word “al-Qur'an”, means, the book that is recited, therefore, it is fitting that the first verse revealed pertains to its recital. According to history the majority of civilizations were built off scripture or books. The Greeks had Homer, the Egyptians had hieroglyphics, the Christians had the Bible, and the Hebrews had the Torah. Interestingly enough, the Pre-Islamic Arabs were an ancient civilization with no book; the Qur'an was the first book in Arabic history. This was earthshattering for the Arabs of the time, as it was something new and went against the tradition, however, the revelation of the Qur'an proved to be the most influential occurrence in the Arab history. The Qur'an is a literary masterpiece, flaunting its superior style forming moving and powerful verses. The layout of the Qur'an is quite simple, as it contains thirty parts, called ajzaa (juz singular), which altogether make up 114 chapters, called surahs (Humza Yusuf). The beginning surahs are longer, and the verses are lengthy, while the latter surahs are much shorter and the verses are succinct and direct (Qur'an al Kareem). Each verse is known as an “ayah, ayaat (pl)” directly translated to mean a “sign” or a “miracle” in the Arabic language. There are over 6,600 ayaat in the Qur'an, ranging from some just one or two words, while others are hundreds of words. Each surah, has a general theme, and each surah is given at least one title, while a few surahs have more than one title (Humza Yusuf).
ContributorsShakoor, Momin (Author) / Ali, Souad T. (Thesis director) / Gallab, Abdullahi (Committee member) / Risha, Sarah (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / College of Liberal Arts and Sciences (Contributor)
Created2012-12
Description
The lonely, empty face panhandling on the street corner has a story to tell. At first glance, most people write the homeless off as less than worthy. However, there is a deeper connection and understanding of relationships and a sense of community unseen by the majority of passer-byers. Amidst the humdrum beat of every day life, there is toil to find basic necessities such as food, water, sanitation, and a place to rest. At the same time, there is laughter and friendship as they help one another through the hostilities of their circumstances. Combining the creative elements of photojournalism and qualitative interviewing, the basic daily needs and struggles of the homeless will be delved into to answer how friendship is pertinent to survival on the streets.
ContributorsFisher, Meghan (Author) / Hruschka, Daniel (Thesis director) / Hita, Liza (Committee member) / Newland, Judy (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / College of Liberal Arts and Sciences (Contributor)
Created2012-12