Matching Items (5)
Filtering by

Clear all filters

152528-Thumbnail Image.png
Description
The United States elderly population is becoming increasingly larger, there is a need for a more adequate housing type to accommodate this population. It is estimated that by 2020, there will be a need for approximately 1.6 to 2.9 million units of affordable Assisted Living (Blake, 2005). With limited income

The United States elderly population is becoming increasingly larger, there is a need for a more adequate housing type to accommodate this population. It is estimated that by 2020, there will be a need for approximately 1.6 to 2.9 million units of affordable Assisted Living (Blake, 2005). With limited income and higher health bills, adequate housing becomes a low priority. It is estimated that 7.1 million elderly households have serious housing problems. (Blake, 2005) The scope of this research will look at literature, case studies, and interviews to begin to create and understand the necessary design aspects of Assisted Living and Affordable Housing to better create a housing typology that includes both low income residents and Assisted Living needs. This research hopes to have an outcome of Design Recommendations that can be utilized by designers when designing for an Affordable Assisted Living typology.
ContributorsRothner, Colleen (Author) / Bender, Diane (Thesis advisor) / Shraiky, James (Committee member) / Stapp, Mark (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2014
150120-Thumbnail Image.png
Description
The Adult Basic Education/Literacy (ABEL) system in America can suffer critique. In a system that is staffed mostly by volunteers and plagued by funding woes, the experience of adult learners as participants within the institutional structure can be easily overlooked. Adult students are described as transient and difficult to track.

The Adult Basic Education/Literacy (ABEL) system in America can suffer critique. In a system that is staffed mostly by volunteers and plagued by funding woes, the experience of adult learners as participants within the institutional structure can be easily overlooked. Adult students are described as transient and difficult to track. Even so, and maybe because of this characterization, leaders within the local ABEL discourse make it their mission to reach these students in order to assist them to a better quality of life. However, there is more than one discourse circulating within the system. A discourse of outreach and intervention is one strand. The complex relationships education centers engage with more powerful government institutions causes another, more strident political discourse that constrains and influences the discourse within ABEL education centers, down to the classroom level. Within the vortex of motivations and needs created by institutional discourse, an institutional critique may give voice to those who experience the discourse in a way that hinders their education. This paper pursues critique, not through direct reconstruction, but through the encouragement of alternative discourses as additional institutions enter the system. AmeriCorps is presented as an institution that allows for more democratic participation through its distinct organizational features. The features that emerge in AmeriCorps projects offer hope for alternative models of participation within the highly politicized ABEL discourse.
ContributorsFoy, Christine (Author) / Long, Elenore (Thesis advisor) / Daer, Alice (Thesis advisor) / Boyd, Patricia (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2011
136961-Thumbnail Image.png
Description
The purpose of this paper is to examine why the Russian government has been taking political, economic, and military actions in Belarus and Ukraine, and the extent to which the Russian people support these actions. Many observers in the West seem to believe that the Russian government is forcing its

The purpose of this paper is to examine why the Russian government has been taking political, economic, and military actions in Belarus and Ukraine, and the extent to which the Russian people support these actions. Many observers in the West seem to believe that the Russian government is forcing its political will onto Russian citizens. However, public opinion research indicates that Russian citizens express a genuine support for the regime's political behavior in neighboring countries. Russian citizens seem to support the decisions to build closer relations with countries they consider culturally significant or culturally similar to themselves. Perhaps the clearest examples of these sentiments occur in relationships with Belarus and Ukraine. This is especially apparent when compared to Russian relations with the Baltic nations. Although these nations are home to a large numbers of Russians, the citizens of Russia do not consider the Baltics as significant as Belarus or Ukraine because of pronounced cultural differences. In this context, it seems as though Russian public opinion drives government action toward international relations with the Near Abroad nations perhaps just as much as the government influences public opinion.
ContributorsFranko, Blake Isaac (Author) / Siroky, David (Thesis director) / Von Hagen, Mark (Committee member) / Benkert, Volker (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / School of International Letters and Cultures (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / School of Historical, Philosophical and Religious Studies (Contributor)
Created2014-05
137846-Thumbnail Image.png
Description
Civil society, when taken as a whole, is a complex phenomenon that incorporates several movements and can be accompanied with international support. For instance in 1987, 40 NGOs (non-governmental organizations) were registered by the government, and within 25 years, the number has increased to 300,000 in the present day Russian

Civil society, when taken as a whole, is a complex phenomenon that incorporates several movements and can be accompanied with international support. For instance in 1987, 40 NGOs (non-governmental organizations) were registered by the government, and within 25 years, the number has increased to 300,000 in the present day Russian Federation. These numbers only include registered organizations, and do not count unregistered organizations, as approved under article 3 "Public organizations...can function without state registration and acquiring of the rights of registered legal body," or organizations that have been refused registration, such as the "Marriage Equality Russia" NGO that was denied registration in 2010. Thus the total amount of NGOs is significantly higher than 300,000. Every one of these NGOs "contribute to Russia‘s economic, political and social life in numerous ways and provide opportunities for citizens to help create better communities and elevate their voices" ("USAID in Russia"). With hundreds of thousands of organizations attempting to make a better society, they are creating a Russian civil society, one that could use the experience of countries with already well-established civil societies (Walzer). Walzer, however, notes the importance for civil society of political engagement with the state (317). In this thesis, I argue that the LGBT movement in Russia today has set an important example for other groups in civil society through its willingness to take on the Russian state through demonstrations and to use the state through the EU Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg.
ContributorsMark, Daniel (Author) / Hoogenboom, Hilde (Thesis director) / Hagen, V. Mark (Committee member) / Siroky, David (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / College of Liberal Arts and Sciences (Contributor)
Created2012-12
171656-Thumbnail Image.png
Description
This qualitative study examined one perennial research question: What lessons from the works of Machiavelli can be taken into consideration to improve U.S. civil-military relations? A case for looking at Machiavelli’s works for solutions to improve military relations off the battlefield is established. This research found two primary themes within

This qualitative study examined one perennial research question: What lessons from the works of Machiavelli can be taken into consideration to improve U.S. civil-military relations? A case for looking at Machiavelli’s works for solutions to improve military relations off the battlefield is established. This research found two primary themes within the realm of civil-military relations: civilian control of the military and the military doctrine and practices. The researcher examined and analyzed multiple forms of data, including the writings of Machiavelli, military policies, articles, reports from the department of defense, video recordings of interviews, legislation, and historical documents. The researcher analyzed Machiavelli’s The Prince, Discourses on Livy, Art of War, and secondary resources for La Cagione dell’Ordinanza to make conclusions. This research identified lessons from the works of Machiavelli to improve U.S. civil-military relations. The Machiavellian lessons included finding a balance of objective and subjective control of the military, ensuring the president is knowledgeable on military matters, placing an emphasis on conditioning our youth, funding weapons systems and equipment, and continuing to invest in the standing army. Limitations and Future research topics were suggested in the conclusion.Keywords: Machiavelli, civil-military relations, civilian control, military doctrine, task-organization
ContributorsWright, Danny (Author) / Zuckert, Catherine (Thesis advisor) / Seagrave, Stephen (Thesis advisor) / Stantchev, Stefan (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2022