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This longitudinal study examines the relations of anger, gender, and intrusive maternal parenting to empathy in toddlers. Participants (247 toddlers at the initial assessment) were assessed in a laboratory at approximately 18 (T1, N = 247), 30 (T2, N = 216), and 42 (T3, N = 192) months of age. Toddlers' observed anger was measured during a toy removal task and maternal intrusiveness was observed during free play between mother and toddler. Reported empathy was measured using questionnaires completed by mothers and fathers. At 18 months, a positive relation between observed anger and reported empathy was found for boys, but not for girls. At 30 months, maternal intrusiveness positively predicted empathy in boys, but it negatively predicted empathy in girls. These findings provide insight about sex differences in the development of empathy and concern for others in early childhood.
ContributorsTravis, Katherine Elizabeth (Author) / Eisenberg, Nancy (Thesis director) / Spinrad, Tracy (Committee member) / Eggum, Natalie (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / School of International Letters and Cultures (Contributor) / Department of Psychology (Contributor)
Created2013-05
Description
The main purpose of this thesis was to further explore factors that render particular children more susceptible to bullying and peer victimization. Race, age, and the activities that the children participated in were considered potential predictors of bullying and victimization. Self- and peer-reported data were gathered on 437 first and third grade children (234 boys and 203 girls, M age = 7 years, 6 months), including the frequency of peer victimization and the extent of their engagement in gender-typed activities. Activities were identified as either masculine (e.g., watching sports on television, playing with tools) or feminine (e.g., playing house, cheerleading) according to which sex was mostly likely to engage in them. Mixed support was obtained for the hypothesis that boys are at greater risk for being targets of peer aggression. Specifically, while peer-reports of victimization supported this hypothesis, self-reports revealed no sex differences. Support was obtained for the hypotheses that engaging in cross gender-typed activities would be a stronger risk factor for peer victimization for boys than for girls.
ContributorsAboud, Lauren Ashley (Author) / Ladd, Becky (Thesis director) / Eggum, Natalie (Committee member) / Ladd, Gary (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / Department of English (Contributor)
Created2013-05
Description
Sentencing reform has been the subject of much debate in the 21st century and has resulted in a great deal of consternation in state and federal systems of government (Chesney-Lind, 2012). The public does not view incarceration as an important topic needing attention or requiring change, which makes invisible the needs and histories of prisoners as a consequence of not addressing them (Connor, 2001). Through an analysis of the spectrum of women’s crime, ranging from non-violent drug trafficking to homicide, I conclude within this paper that the criminal justice system was written as a male-oriented code of addressing crime, which has contributed to women being made into easier targets for arrest and female imprisonment at increasing rates for longer lengths of time.
In the last decade, California’s imprisoned population of women has increased by nearly 400% (Chesney-Lind, 2012). The focus of this thesis is to discuss the treatment—or lack thereof—of women within California’s criminal justice system and sentencing laws. By exploring its historical approach to two criminal actions related to women, the Three Strikes law (including non-violent drug crimes) and the absence of laws accounting for experiences of female victims of domestic violence who killed their abusers, I explore how California’s criminal code has marginalized women, and present a summary of the adverse effects brought about by the gender invisibility that is endemic within sentencing policies and practice. I also discuss recent attempted and successful reforms related to these issues, which evidence a shift toward social dialogue on sentencing aiming to address gender inequity in the sentencing code. These reforms were the result of activism; organizations, academics and individuals successfully raised awareness regarding excessive and undue sentencing of women and compelled action by the legislature.
By method of a feminist analysis of these histories, I explore these two pertinent issues in California; both are related to women who, under harsh sentencing laws, were incarcerated under the state’s male-focused legislation. Responses to the inequalities found in these laws included attempts toward both visibility for women and reform related to sentencing. I analyze the ontology of sentencing reform as it relates to activism in order to discuss the implications of further criminal code legislation, as well as the implications of the 2012 reforms in practice. Through the paper, I focus upon how women have become a target of arrest and long sentences not because they are strategically arrested to equalize their representation behind bars, but because the “tough on crime” framework in the criminal code cast a wide and fixed net that incarcerated increasingly more women following the codification of both mandatory minimums and a male-oriented approach to sentencing (Chesney-Lind et. al, 2012).
In the last decade, California’s imprisoned population of women has increased by nearly 400% (Chesney-Lind, 2012). The focus of this thesis is to discuss the treatment—or lack thereof—of women within California’s criminal justice system and sentencing laws. By exploring its historical approach to two criminal actions related to women, the Three Strikes law (including non-violent drug crimes) and the absence of laws accounting for experiences of female victims of domestic violence who killed their abusers, I explore how California’s criminal code has marginalized women, and present a summary of the adverse effects brought about by the gender invisibility that is endemic within sentencing policies and practice. I also discuss recent attempted and successful reforms related to these issues, which evidence a shift toward social dialogue on sentencing aiming to address gender inequity in the sentencing code. These reforms were the result of activism; organizations, academics and individuals successfully raised awareness regarding excessive and undue sentencing of women and compelled action by the legislature.
By method of a feminist analysis of these histories, I explore these two pertinent issues in California; both are related to women who, under harsh sentencing laws, were incarcerated under the state’s male-focused legislation. Responses to the inequalities found in these laws included attempts toward both visibility for women and reform related to sentencing. I analyze the ontology of sentencing reform as it relates to activism in order to discuss the implications of further criminal code legislation, as well as the implications of the 2012 reforms in practice. Through the paper, I focus upon how women have become a target of arrest and long sentences not because they are strategically arrested to equalize their representation behind bars, but because the “tough on crime” framework in the criminal code cast a wide and fixed net that incarcerated increasingly more women following the codification of both mandatory minimums and a male-oriented approach to sentencing (Chesney-Lind et. al, 2012).
ContributorsD'Souza, Kristin Tessa (Author) / Gomez, Alan (Thesis director) / Fonow, Mary Margaret (Committee member) / Leone Hamm, Donna (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / School of Social Transformation (Contributor)
Created2013-05
Description
Research has found many different factors can influence purchase decisions, one of which is social presence. This research aims to examine how gender and self-construal can influence the effect of social presence on consumers. Using survey methodology, this study found no gender difference in terms of friends' influence on purchase decisions or their use of mobile phones to contact friends while shopping alone. The results do indicate that people who are more interdependent are more likely to contact friends when shopping alone than those who are less interdependent.
ContributorsFlores, Katelyn Marie (Author) / Ostrom, Amy (Thesis director) / Mandel, Naomi (Committee member) / Wang, Helen (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / Department of Management (Contributor) / Department of Marketing (Contributor)
Created2013-05
Description
This study aimed to extend beyond existing research on the male-grooming industry to examine the reality of marketing an everyday cosmetic product to men. This thesis contains a two-part original research study involving a qualitative, exploratory study (Study 1) clarifying college-aged men's attitudes toward male grooming products and makeup for men; and a quantitative, experimental study (Study 2) created to test theories developed from Study 1. Study 1 discovered a pattern among male participants of citing functional/medicinal qualities of male-grooming products as their justification for purchase. Study 2 tested whether this could be applied to makeup by comparing the effects of two advertisements for male cosmetic products on the likelihood of purchase of the product advertised. The main implications of this research suggest that one way to integrate makeup for men into the mainstream market is to release products in free trials before releasing them for sale, since men in the study were somewhat likely to use a free sample of the product in the test advertisements, but unwilling to purchase it. Additionally, the presence of acne in the participants moderated the effects of the ads such that men without acne were more likely to try a cosmetic product when presented with the medicinal benefits of the product in addition to the appearance-enhancing benefits, rather than appearance-enhancing benefits alone. Overall, men with acne were more willing than men without acne to use the product, regardless of the advertising appeal.
ContributorsGibson, Jessica Lajoie (Author) / Eaton, Kathryn (Thesis director) / Lisjak, Monika (Committee member) / Department of Marketing (Contributor) / W. P. Carey School of Business (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2016-05
Description
This study hypothesizes that a sampling of prosecutors would be more likely to prosecute juveniles who identify as homosexual versus those who identify as heterosexual. To test this hypothesis, surveys were mailed to 1,000 prosecutors around the United States with a between subject design, meaning that each participant was only exposed to one condition in the vignette they read. There were a total of four vignettes, creating four conditions of different sexual orientations and gender in sexually appropriate relationships. The vignettes contain conditions in which either a male or female junior in high school was videotaped having oral sex with either a male or a female freshman in high school. Prosecutors were asked questions about whether they would prosecute the older student for statutory rape. Results indicated that our manipulations of sexual orientation and gender were not statistically significant on prosecutorial discretion or punishment severity/motives, however, these manipulations did alter the prosecutor's perceptions of the offender.
ContributorsCaraveo Parra, Diana Patricia (Author) / Fradella, Hank (Thesis director) / Salerno, Jessica (Committee member) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / School of Criminology and Criminal Justice (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2016-05
Description
This paper examines the relationship between feminism and social media and evaluates the ability of social media to function as an effective platform for the advancement of feminism's objectives. In the decades before social media became an integral part of culture, the popularity of feminism deteriorated and feminist voices were unsure that it could be revived or popularized again. However, in recent years, women have used social media as a mechanism to communicate and disseminate feminist ideas. The birth of what is called "hashtag feminism" has been a fundamental shift in the way feminism is done and advocated for in modern culture. In light of this dramatic shift in venue for feminist conversations, academic feminists are asking a series of pertinent questions: Is social media good for feminism and the achievement of feminist objectives? What, if anything, has feminism compromised in order to fit into 140 characters or fewer? This paper argues that social media has provided a platform for feminists to share their stories, which has aided in the building of feminist constituencies. This is the most important work of feminism, because it is making society more receptive to feminist principles and ideas, transforming our culture into one that can accept and fight for feminism's objectives. This paper will examine a series of case studies in which social media has hosted feminist conversations. It will analyze the impact of this social media as a venue for feminist narratives and evaluate the use of social media as a feminist platform in the movement to achieve feminism's objectives.
ContributorsGiel, Katelyn Anne (Author) / Woodall, Gina (Thesis director) / Lake, Milli (Committee member) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / School of International Letters and Cultures (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2015-12
Description
Scholarly work, industry profile analyses, and sports entertainment, similarly posit the normative fantasy football fan as an uber fan, defined largely by the vast amount of time spent per week consuming sports media content. The average fantasy football participant is also defined as a white, middle-class, married man in his late 20s (FTSA.org). However, by drawing on qualitative interview data of 48 fantasy football participants, we argue that this typical profile of a fantasy football participant as an uber fan is limiting in a masculinist way precisely because it reifies a gendered category of fan as normal, making anything outside of that category deviant. Close analysis of the experiences of thirteen of the 48 fantasy football players, all of whom identify as women, indicate an alternative, cohesive fantasy football participant profile that is centered on being competitive while also being efficient with one's time and resources. Additionally, we find that these women fantasy fans actively reject the notion of the uber fan as the only way to be a normal fantasy football fan because they want to play and win on their own terms.
ContributorsItmam, Arif (Author) / Ingram-Waters, Mary (Thesis director) / Southergill, Keith (Committee member) / Lashley, Mark (Committee member) / School of Molecular Sciences (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2016-05
Description
Neoliberal feminism has gained significant popularity in fourth-wave feminist media. In this paper, I analyze the 2017 limited television series "Big Little Lies" to uncover the intricacies of neoliberal feminist theory in practice, particularly how it speaks to gender, race, and class relations.
ContributorsLuther, Molly E (Author) / Moran, Stacey (Thesis director) / Henderson-Singer, Sharon (Committee member) / Arts, Media and Engineering Sch T (Contributor) / School of Social Transformation (Contributor) / Computer Science and Engineering Program (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2021-05
Description
The media often portrays and the public often percieves white women and women of color politicians experience feminist obstacles, such as the masculine-feminine double bind and being dehumanized in the same way. Many of these representations of women of color politicians in society do not incorporate the impact of intersectionality and confining gender schemas; therefore, women of color politician’s experiences are often lumped together with that of their white women counterparts. This phenomenon ultimately contributes to the persistence of color-blind racism in the United States, which negatively effects the life outcomes of women of color politicians and women of color in general. In effort to help lessen the effects of color-blind racism locally and in government, some tools on how to reflect on one’s own biases are provided and avenues for change are proposed.
ContributorsCook, Caroline Matie (Author) / Sturgess, Jessica (Thesis director) / O'Flaherty, Katherine (Committee member) / Hugh Downs School of Human Communication (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2021-05