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- All Subjects: Immigration
- Creators: Sandra Day O'Connor College of Law
Description
South Sudan claims the position of being the newest state in the world, formed by a referendum on separation from Sudan held in 2011. The referendum comes after a half a century of fighting, which led to the displacement of an estimated four million South Sudanese and the death of two million. The massive numbers of displaced people fled to Northern Sudan or surrounding countries, crossing borders and becoming refugees. A comparatively small number were repatriated into countries of second asylum, such as the United States. Arizona, a state with relatively cheap cost of living and a large amount of low-skilled jobs became a favored state for resettling refugees. In 2013, the South Sudanese population in the greater Phoenix area was estimated to be around 4,000. This paper is an exploration of the how South Sudanese refugee youth identify themselves, and find their place in a new country, and in Phoenix, without losing their roots. This paper concludes that South Sudanese refugee youth have a hyphenated identity. They identify as both proud South Sudanese and as American citizens. This identity is formed by strong ties to the South Sudanese community and education by parents on the one hand, and integration in American schools and norms on the other hand. Having a hyphenated identity also affects the work that these South Sudanese do and their relationships with South Sudan. This research also highlights the difficulties with theorizing immigration and identity, by placing discussions of integration and transnationalism in concert with the voices of actual immigrants. The findings in this paper are developed from 12 oral history interviews of South Sudanese in conjunction with existing scholarly literature on refugees, South Sudan, and identity.
ContributorsDooling, Carmel Inez (Author) / Holian, Anna (Thesis director) / Gallab, Abdullahi (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / School of Historical, Philosophical and Religious Studies (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / Sandra Day O'Connor College of Law (Contributor)
Created2014-05
Description
The population of undocumented immigrants includes over a million individuals known as “Dreamers,” who are for all intents and purposes naturalized Americans but are not counted among the American citizens. Dreamers have grown up believing in the American dream of one day being able to develop themselves into hard-working, accomplished and fully recognized Americans. Unfortunately, however, Dreamers are caught in a limbo of hope: their undocumented status forces them to work and live in the “underground,” or risk being deported to an unfamiliar country. After years of activism, the Dreamers found limited protection under an executive action introduced by former-President Barack Obama, known as the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA). DACA deferred deportation and gave the Dreamer the ability to legally work within the United States. Unfortunately, DACA’s provisional protection of hundreds of thousands of Dreamers also created gaps of its own: many other naturalized residents have been excluded and those covered by the DACA program remain limited in education and work. DACA’s protection is also limited in practice and time; it lasts for only two years before needing to be renewed and it can be revoked at any time. Only through legislation creating a “path to citizenship” and/or through formal naturalization can the Dreamers’ nightmare end and normalcy be instated. But precisely this idea of a “path to citizenship” has become the object of invective by anti-immigrant politics of Trump and the Republican Party. The Republican Party has worked to define itself as the party of White America by fomenting fear and anxiety over immigrant populations, whose mere existence or growth it presents as a threat. With continuing Republican government control, the Dreamer will not be able to legalize their status and will remain to be limited with their American dreams.
ContributorsMundo Sayas, Celso (Author) / Oberle, Eric (Thesis director) / Martin, Thomas (Committee member) / College of Integrative Sciences and Arts (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2019-05
Description
From the Crusades to the Russian Pogroms and the Holocaust, Jews have had their citizenship taken away, and in some instances, been brutally beaten and tortured. The wide array of societies, which have partaken in the systematic subjugation of the Jews across centuries and millennia, has shown that anti-Semitism knows no bounds. As is the case with many groups of persecuted people, Jews are peripatetic, diasporic, and exilic. However, for the purpose of this thesis, the focus will revolve around the diaspora of Jews to America and their resulting involvement in American culture.
ContributorsGoldberg, Daniel (Author) / Mirvis, Stanley (Thesis director) / Tiechtel, Shmuel (Committee member) / Sandra Day O'Connor College of Law (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2019-05
Description
The goal of this thesis project is to provide insight into the lives of Syrian refugees, asylum seekers, and migrants who have left Syria for the United States within the last 6 years, after the start of the conflict there. I have interviewed individuals who come from different regions of Syria, are members of different religious groups, and who have different opinions in regard to the conflict in Syria. One of the questions that I was most curious to ask and have answered was why America was selected as the final destination for their immigration. Along with their backstories from their time in Syria up until their arrival in the United States, I did research into the immigrants' acclimation process, and whether they feel that private organizations or that our government have helped them in that regard. I also collected data to see what the average amount of time to find a job and become self-sufficient in the United States is for these persons and their families. Although most educated Syrians know French, English, and Arabic, I was proven right in my hypothesis that many refugees have come to the United States knowing little, if any, English. Research was done into the programs that are offered to these people and their personal efforts to learn English were also documented. The primary purpose of this thesis was to find the economic and social effects of Syrian immigrants in the state of Arizona, and hopefully, on a larger scale. It was very challenging to get exact numbers on the amount of refugees and impossible to get specific details in regard to their economic impact on the economy. In order to get an approximation, I read David Card's research into the Mariel Boatlift, which documented the economic effects of Cuban immigrants on the Miami labor market, and Semih Tumen's work, titled, "The Economic Impact of Syrian Refugees on Host Countries: Quasi-Experimental Evidence from Turkey" which provides research-based analysis of the specific effects of Syrian refugees on the economy of Turkey. Conclusions for both the economic and social impact of Syrian refugees in the state of Arizona were made. Due to the current low numbers of Syrian refugees living in Arizona and the mentality that many of them possess, there is a net neutral economic impact. In regard to social impact, I was surprised to learn that the acclimation process for Syrian immigrants is relatively rapid, particularly when compared to other immigrant and refugee populations.
ContributorsGhazoul, John Anthony (Author) / Goegan, Brian (Thesis director) / Bonfiglio, Thomas (Committee member) / Department of Finance (Contributor) / Sandra Day O'Connor College of Law (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2018-05
Description
This thesis examines the problems that occur when the politics and practices of social services, specifically maternal and prenatal care, are guided by a distorted understanding of immigration. It compares the politics and practice of this care across two international borders: the U.S.-Mexico and that within Hispaniola. In an ideal world, care would be extended to all individuals regardless of citizenship. However, since every welfare state has its limits at the national border, citizenship matters to both federal governments and medical professionals. Government-provided resources play an integral role in the current immigration debate, as these programs are a collective investment in which all individuals contribute in order to sustain it. The United States developed the welfare state in order to provide necessary resources to those who could not afford it. Its creators did not view these services as a handout, rather as a support for the future workforce of the country. However, health care was and still is not provided on this model of economic and social citizenship. Current U.S. healthcare policy dictates that no one can be turned away in an emergency situation because someone cannot pay their medical bill, including undocumented immigrants. But for immigrant mothers carrying children across the border, maternal and prenatal care does not qualify as an emergency and the federal government aid typically does not extend to them them as citizens. When care is extended to undocumented immigrants in the United States at all, it typically is provided to the child through Medicaid, who is by dint of the Fourteenth Amendment considered a citizen after birth. The relation between the Dominican Republic and Haiti offers a more complex situation, as the idea of birthright citizenship has recently been revoked. Following the Haitian Earthquake in 2010, the only healthcare to which many Haitians had access was across the Hispaniola border. Haitian women who give birth to children in the Dominican Republic are often not evaluated by a doctor until they are entering the delivery process, and even then health-care is complicated by or denied because of racial prejudice and unclear legal situation. In September of 2013, the Constitutional Court of the Dominican Republic issues a new ruling which declared that any immigrant born between 1929 and 2010 without documentation of their own or of their ancestors does not have citizenship, rendering many Haitians born in the Dominican Republic essentially stateless. To be born to a non-citizen mother typically means the child will likely be born with little or no prenatal care, and the mother will receive poor or inadequate care. Prenatal care is one of the most inexpensive elements of a care-model that carries huge returns relative to its costs. All governments would benefit from improved access to maternal and prenatal care because its future citizens who receive such care would be born healthier and have fewer expensive chronic illnesses. Fewer chronic illness among a population would have huge returns on the welfare state because fewer people would be utilizing it for expensive medical treatments. Though most medical professionals condemn the extreme act of denying care to pregnant women or infants (documented or not), the Dominican Republic and the United States have a popular politics that embraces this cruelty, despite the fact that both pride themselves on a multi-ethnic population. It is easy for policymakers to incriminate undocumented immigrants and claim that they are responsible for an illegitimate share of the consumption of the country's resources. Therefore, it seems likely that the host country's perceptions of immigrant natality and maternity help construct a negative image of the immigration "problem" in such a way that laws and policies are designed without accurate rationale. This thesis examines how the United States and the Dominican Republic might improve the relationship between the culture of healthcare and the role of the legal system for immigrants and their children. It seeks to understand the reasons, motivations, and consequences for denying immigrants services on the account of their citizenship status. The social, economic, and health consequences of being an undocumented citizen will be examined. Current legal policy and what political roadblocks and cultural prejudices must be overcome in order to implement a successful policy will be reviewed. Finally, the best practices prenatal care as a national investment will be discussed, as will the problem of cross-cultural perception of natality, maternity, and immigration.
ContributorsPrassas, Alexandra Rose (Author) / Oberle, Eric (Thesis director) / Vega, Sujey (Committee member) / Oberstein, Bruce (Committee member) / College of Letters and Sciences (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2016-05
Description
A successful asylum case is extremely rare in the United States legal system, particularly for Black migrants entering from Haiti who are subject to multiple layers of racism throughout each step of the process. Recent policies, such as Title 42 and Migrant Protection Protocols (MPP), have further restricted migrants from initiating this process by blocking their entry and expediting their removals. Title 42, a public health code issued to mitigate the spread of COVID-19, has accelerated the deportation of Haitian migrants, while MPP has forced many migrants to stay in Mexico during their asylum proceedings. Both of these policies have had a punitive effect on migrants attempting to enter the country through “legal manners,” yet they are ineffective ways of stopping migration. Instead, migrants are now crossing through a weaponized southern border due to Border Patrol’s strategy of Prevention through Deterrence. Though there is extensive research on the racism that non-Black migrants face when interacting with enforcement agencies in the Borderlands, there is no research centering the experiences of Black migrants. In this paper, I argue that in spite of this dangerous route, migrants find ways to survive through community-based strategies, including transnational networks. Additionally, I examine local efforts in Mexicali, B.C. to provide support to migrants. This case-study is critical for the understanding of the borderlands as it highlights the detrimental consequences of colonial occupation, racism, and late-stage capitalism. Key words: Black migration, immigration, border enforcement, asylum process
ContributorsSolorio, Diane (Author) / Wheatley, Abby (Thesis director) / Soto, Gabriella (Committee member) / Aviña, Alexander (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / Historical, Philosophical & Religious Studies, Sch (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / Sandra Day O'Connor College of Law (Contributor) / School of Transborder Studies (Contributor)
Created2022-05