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- Creators: Arizona State University
- Creators: School of Social Transformation
Description
Expectation for college attendance in the United States continues to rise as more jobs require degrees. This study aims to determine how parental expectations affect high school students in their decision to attend college. By examining parental expectations that were placed on current college students prior to and during the application period, we can determine the positive and negative outcomes of these expectations as well as the atmosphere they are creating. To test the hypothesis, an online survey was distributed to current ASU and Barrett, Honors College students regarding their experience with college applications and their parents' influence on their collegiate attendance. A qualitative analysis of the data was conducted in tandem with an analysis of several case studies to determine the results. These data show that parental expectations are having a significant impact on the enrollment of high school students in college programs. With parents placing these expectations on their children, collegiate enrollment will continue to increase. Further studies will be necessary to determine the specific influences these expectations are placing on students.
ContributorsJohnson, Benjamin Howard (Co-author) / Scheller, Sara (Co-author) / Kappes, Janelle (Thesis director) / Fairbanks, Elizabeth (Committee member) / Department of Psychology (Contributor) / School of Social Transformation (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2021-05
Description
Several different queer feminist zines, along with the author's experiences in queer feminist zine making, are examined using the lens of J. Jack Halberstam's The Queer Art of Failure. Particular attention is paid to zines' unique composition from a variety of unexpected sources, and their subsequent ability to act as counterhegemonic documents. Queer feminist zine makers' critical engagement with the concept of community is also discussed.
ContributorsPruett, Jessica Lynn (Author) / Switzer, Heather (Thesis director) / Dove-Viebahn, Aviva (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / School of Social Transformation (Contributor) / Department of English (Contributor)
Created2014-05
Description
Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) practitioners (including policymakers, scholars, and nonprofit leaders) in the U.S. and Canada have often focused their attention on the United Nations’ WPS initiative as a strategy for responding to conflicts abroad, particularly in the Global South. As a result of these limitations, black, Latino, and Indigenous advocates and peacebuilders in the U.S. and Canada remain largely unable to take advantage of WPS frameworks and resources. The subjectivity of the term “conflict” and the range of circumstances where it is used inspire this research. The selective application of the word “conflict” is itself a challenge to security, for conflicts can only be addressed once they are acknowledged and so named. Where does WPS intersect with contemporary Indigenous advocacy? A case study of the #noDAPL movement and the ways that nonviolence and women’s leadership emerged at Standing Rock, ND in 2016 provide a partial answer. Four challenges and recommendations are offered to WPS practitioners who seek to expand the availability of WPS resources to Indigenous peoples in the U.S. and Canada. These challenges and recommendations draw upon existing National Action Plans, legal and policy documents, and data from four interviews conducted with Indigenous women advocates in the U.S. and Canada in 2019. Above all, this paper seeks to encourage WPS practitioners to move beyond “gender mainstreaming” to consider not only how policies and practices impact women and men differently, but also how they may impact Indigenous people and settlers differently.
ContributorsMarques de Mesquita, Carolina (Author) / Lomawaima, K Tsianina (Thesis director) / O'Connor, Brendan (Committee member) / School of International Letters and Cultures (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / School of Social Transformation (Contributor) / Department of English (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2019-05
Description
The label of “honors student,” and the status it carries, implies exceptional academic ability, maturity, and accomplishment. The notion that “honors” students are more capable than non-honors students dismisses the particular needs of intersecting identities including gender, race, and/or ability. Said differently, the “honors” designation erases identity and difference. For instance, “honors” students who live with mental illness(es) navigate social spaces and physical structures that assert notions of “success” that are informed by conditions that inhibit bodily function, communication, and educational accomplishment as set by capitalist and ableist standards. Moreover, ableist notions of “success” are always inherently racialized and gendered such that “honors” students women of color living with mental illness are forced to navigate racist and gendered overtones informing academic “success.” Focusing on how students think about and embody the labels of “honors” and “mentally ill” provides unique insight on how the systems of higher education are based in ableist ideology. In this Artist Statement, I discuss my performance Crazy/Smart, a performance that features and stages students’ narratives detailing the means by which students navigate ableism as “honors” students. Using embodied knowledge through performance allows students to decenter dominant, institutionalized narratives about ableism and higher education, speaking up to administrators as people of power and redefining personal success. In this Artist Statement, I detail the theory and method framing my performance Crazy/Smart, a performance using “honors” student stories and narratives to highlight and resist ableist ideology informing higher education more generally and “honors” education more specifically. This Statement includes four sections. First, I provide the theoretical framework that outlines ableism as an embodied ideology. Second, I extend my argument and turn to critical pedagogy to suggest a performance means to resist ableist ideology. Third, I describe the specificities informing my performance including the choices I made to stage ableism as an ideological structure organizing higher education. The fourth and final section is the attached Crazy/Smart script.
ContributorsBishop, Molly Elizabeth (Author) / Rohd, Michael (Thesis director) / Linde, Jennifer (Committee member) / School of Film, Dance and Theatre (Contributor) / School of Social Transformation (Contributor) / Hugh Downs School of Human Communication (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2020-05
Description
Passed in April of 2010, Arizona Senate Bill 1070 is nationally recognized as the first state-level anti-immigration legislation of its kind that deputized local police officers to enforce immigration laws. Though response strategies varied widely across activists and organizations, many community organizations devised strategies specifically aimed to protect and assist the undocumented community during the reign of terror that accompanied SB 1070. In looking at the reflections of activists and organization leaders on their own actions and decision-making rationale, I analyze how their strategies and tactics worked to both counter and reconceptualize hegemonic notions of citizenship, belonging, and community through the creation of networks and knowledge funds. By specifically examining the efforts made by No Mas Muerte, Puente Human Rights Movement, and the Calle Dieciseis Mural Project, I show that efforts that go beyond voter mobilization and legal action, which not only work to combat dominant rhetoric but also center the voices of the targeted population through disrupting public space, are essential to responding to political efforts designed to target vulnerable communities. Given their necessity, academics and institutional actors must acknowledge the importance of grassroots efforts in contributing to inter-institutional strategies and ensure that a ground-up analysis of community-based organizations informs their actions taken against state-level anti-immigration laws.
ContributorsMorris, Jordan (Author) / Gomez, Alan (Abridger) / Brian, Jennifer (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / School of Social Transformation (Contributor) / Historical, Philosophical & Religious Studies, Sch (Contributor)
Created2022-05
Description
The Philippine Sea refers to the East and West Philippine Sea that are within the sovereign territory of the 7,641 islands of the Philippine archipelago. Historically, Spain, the United States, and Japan have colonized the islands, and the United States and China continue to maintain imperial interests in the area. Filipino/a/x diasporic activists in the U.S. and allies have participated in the anti-imperial struggle in support of demilitarization of the Pacific and of neo-colonized states across the globe. Responding to the problematics of anti-imperialism and solidarity, this dissertation advances the concept of agos or moving relations to attune to the sea as an analytic in theorizing activism, communication, and performance. This project was written on the unceded ancestral homelands of the Onk Akimel O’odham and Xalychidom Piipash, was inspired by the works of Black and Indigenous communities and scholars, and was influenced by Kale Fajardo’s notion of crosscurrents and Loma Cuevas-Hewitt’s concept of archipelagic poetics. Across critical organizational communication, critical intercultural communication, and performance studies, agos theorizes the relationalities of movements and the movements of relationalities. Utilizing critical qualitative, rhetorical, and performance methods, this project develops three instantiations of agos. In “Whirlpool Organizing,” the processes of anti-imperial organizers’ relationship and coalition building are examined to demonstrate the liquidities that animate dialectics and differences. In “Anchored Relationality,” U.S. diasporic Filipino/a/x’ varied and complex reconnections with Philippine waters are explored to illustrate the fluidities of positions and relations. In “Archipelagic Performance,” the staged production of “What sounds do turtles make?” is analyzed to showcase the flows of a decolonial and relational mode of performance.
ContributorsLabador, Ma Angela San Luis (Author) / LeMaster, Loretta (Thesis advisor) / Kim, Heewon (Thesis advisor) / Leong, Karen (Committee member) / Hastings, Rachel (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2023
Description
Black Americans and Black folks across the globe continue to proclaim variousunfreedoms we experience specifically due to our Blackness. As we struggle against and
survive through the unfair structures, ways of being, and conditions that are killing us, we
have been creating new survival strategies for living. One of our primary arguments is
that state entities and the anti-Black carcerality embedded in them (e.g., policing, prisons,
hospitals, welfare systems, military, the foster care system educational institutions etc.)
are the primary arbitrators weaponizing violence, injustice, and unfreedom in our lives.
Since the Black Lives Matter uprising in 2013 due to the murder of Trayvon Martin,
leading up to the largest global uprising in 2020 due to the murder of George Floyd, and
the ongoing activism around anti-Black police violence, we who are organizers and
activists have found ourselves seeking out alternative ways to be principled in our
struggles for abolition, transformative justice, and Black liberation. A part of being in
principled struggle is building a praxis (when theory meets practice) of how to conduct
oneself in community with others, and with the state in a way that is aligned with stated
values and beliefs. Much of the organizing work geared towards eradicating anti-Black
violence pulls from the theoretical and practiced interventions of the Black radical
tradition, Black feminist thought, and abolitionism(s) to inform their praxis. This
dissertation will seek out a Black radical queer feminist praxis by conducting an auto-
ethnography using critical art-based Black feminist-womanist storytelling to measure
data collected from my lived experiences as an organizer and activist to uplift the
liberation strategies of an era.
ContributorsAraya, Miriam (Author) / Anderson, Lisa (Thesis advisor) / Duarte, Marisa (Committee member) / Alhassan, Shamara (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2024
Description
In this dissertation, I grapple with the compelling question: Why have women’s mobilizations in Latin America not only increased but also become increasingly confrontational towards the state and other institutions, even amid a longstanding rise in progressive gender-based legislation and policies? This inquiry unfolds against a backdrop of diverse theoretical perspectives on women’s engagement in contentious politics. This introspection has led to the formulation of a theoretical mechanism, which posits that neither the proliferation of gender-progressive policies, windows of opportunity, nor grievances are sole precipitating factors. Instead, the emergence of the ‘legal facade’ – spawned by this structural political opportunity - incites further contentious actions. These are intertwined with the development of a collective conscience, anchored in a sense of shared destiny, amplified by both fear and hope. To elucidate the activists’ experiences, I employ a methodological blend of case-process tracing and narrative analysis. This ‘legal facade’ embodies the systematic failures of the state and informal institutions to effectively address women’s violence and inequalities, resulting in the superficial enactment of numerous policies and laws that have deep flaws in their design, execution, and evaluation.
ContributorsPaez, Camila (Author) / Hinojosa, Magfa (Thesis advisor) / Kittilson, Miki (Committee member) / Kirkpatrick, Jennet (Committee member) / Kaire, Jose (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2024
Description
This three-article dissertation is a qualitative exploration of language ideologies and discourse regarding the English language’s role in Puerto Rico’s (PR) education, politics, and culture. Centering the perspectives of civically engaged youth (CEY) and adhering to critical and decolonial theoretical frameworks, I explore how Puerto Ricans conceptualize the English language and its value at macro, meso, and micro levels. The first article provides a history of English language policies in PR. I perform a thematic analysis of archival newspaper data, political platforms, and politician and educational professional discourse to gain a nuanced understanding of the historical and current sociolinguistic discourse around English in the archipelago. I find that PR politicians use English as a bargaining tool to garner support, while they ignore the citizenry’s educational needs. Many educators, parents, and researchers have first-hand knowledge of the public education system’s dire needs that must be addressed to ensure successful language education programs. This knowledge is ignored by PR’s politicians.
To explore language ideologies regarding English from a mid-level view, I interviewed twelve CEYs to understand their perceptions, ideals, and experiences regarding English language use in PR. I then interpreted the language ideologies that inform CEYs’ interactions with, and perspectives of, the English language. I find that CEYs have complex, fluid, and nuanced beliefs about the English language. With these beliefs, they make room for resisting the traditional dichotomous views between English/Spanish that constrain us to Western ways of thinking, and they create opportunities to affirm their own knowledge and experiences as legitimate.
In the third article, I explore English language use at a micro-level. This involves examining English language use in activism and community work organizations’ official websites and social media platforms. I find that organizations use English not only in nominal ways (to refer to technology terms, United States (US) institutions and more) but also in complex and engaging ways such as citation of Black and Decolonial scholars and disseminating protective language.
ContributorsRodríguez-Martínez, Sara (Author) / Anderson, Kate T (Thesis advisor) / Sampson, Carrie (Committee member) / O'Connor, Brendan (Committee member) / Carroll, Kevin (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2024
Description
Despite the societal importance of activism, the understanding of activist intentions remained limited (Liebert, Leve, & Hu, 2011; Klar & Kasser, 2009). The current study used the Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB) to examine two structural models of low-risk activist intentions and high-risk activist intentions (Ajzen, 1991). The traditional TPB model was tested against a hybrid commitment model that also assessed past activist behaviors and activist identity. Participants (N = 383) were recruited through social media, professional list-serves, and word of mouth. Results indicated a good model fit for both the traditional TPB model (CFI = .98; RMSEA = .05; SRMR = .03; χ2(120) = 3760.62, p < .01) and the commitment model (CFI = .97; RMSEA = .05; SRMR = .04; χ2(325) = 7848.07, p < .01). The commitment model accounted for notably more variance in both low-risk activist intentions (78.9% in comparison to 26.5% for the traditional TPB model) and high-risk activist intentions (58.9% in comparison to 11.2% for the traditional TPB model). Despite this, the traditional TPB model was deemed the better model as the higher variance explained in the commitment model was almost entirely due to the inclusion of past low-risk activist behaviors and past high-risk activist behaviors. A post-hoc analysis that incorporated sexual orientation and religious affiliation as covariates into the traditional model also led to a good-fitting model (CFI = .98; RMSEA = .04; SRMR = .04; χ2(127) = 217.18, p < .01) and accounted for increased variance in low-risk activist intentions (29.7%) and high-risk activist intentions (18.7%) compared to the traditional model. The merits of each of the structural models and the practical implications for practice and research were discussed
ContributorsJew, Gilbert (Author) / Tran, Alisia (Thesis advisor) / Tracey, Terence (Committee member) / Capielo Rosario, Cristalís (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2019