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This study asks the question: does gender-based discrimination exists within Arizona State University's Army Reserve Officer Training Corps (ROTC), and if so, what are the effects of such discrimination? Within this study, discrimination is defined as: the treatment or consideration of, or making a distinction in favor of or against,

This study asks the question: does gender-based discrimination exists within Arizona State University's Army Reserve Officer Training Corps (ROTC), and if so, what are the effects of such discrimination? Within this study, discrimination is defined as: the treatment or consideration of, or making a distinction in favor of or against, a person or thing based on the group, class, or category to which that person or thing belongs, rather than on individual merit. The researcher predicted that this study would show that gender-based discrimination operates within the masculine military culture of Army ROTC at ASU, resulting from women's hyper-visibility and evidenced by their lack of positive recognition and disbelief in having a voice in the program. These expectations were based on background research claiming that the token status of women in military roles causes them to be more heavily scrutinized, and they consequentially try to attain success by adapting to the masculine military culture by which they are constantly measured. For the purposes of this study, success is defined as: the attainment of wealth, favor, or eminence . This study relies on exploratory interviews and an online survey conducted with male and female Army ROTC cadets of all grade levels at Arizona State University. The interviews and survey collected demographic information and perspectives on individual experiences to establish an understanding of privilege and marginalization within the program. These results do support the prediction that women in Army ROTC at ASU face discrimination based on their unique visibility and lack of positive recognition and voice in the program. Likewise, the survey results indicate that race also has a significant impact on one's experience in Army ROTC, which is discussed later in this study in regard to needs for future research. ASU Army ROTC includes approximately 100 cadets, and approximately 30-40 of those cadets participated in this study. Additionally, the University of Arizona and the Northern Arizona University Army ROTC programs were invited to participate in this study and declined to do so, which would have offered a greater sample population. Nonetheless, the results of this research will be useful for analysis and further discussion of gender-equality in Army ROTC at Arizona State University.
ContributorsAllemang, Lindsey Ann (Author) / Wood, Reed (Thesis director) / Switzer, Heather (Committee member) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / School of Social Transformation (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2018-05
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The purpose of this honors thesis is to explain the varying levels of sexual violence against women across time, location and conflicts. Violence against civilians is utilized as an independent variable to measure if the level of violence of a pre-conflict environment widens the space for the exploitation of sexual

The purpose of this honors thesis is to explain the varying levels of sexual violence against women across time, location and conflicts. Violence against civilians is utilized as an independent variable to measure if the level of violence of a pre-conflict environment widens the space for the exploitation of sexual violence. Women's status is used as an additional independent variable in order to measure if a pre-conflict environment that promotes gender equality moderates the presence of sexual violence as it discourages unequal power dynamics. GDP per capita and population will be used as control variables in order to include consideration of state capacity. Sexual violence will be the dependent variable. In order to statistically measure and depict the relationships between these variables, bivariate correlations and multivariate linear regressions will be utilized. The bivariate correlations showed that as civilian violence increased, sexual violence increased as well, but as women's status increased, sexual violence decreased. The linear regression models found that state actors and rebel groups yielded differing results. For state actors, the increase in women's status failed to moderate the level of sexual violence as an increase in civilian violence and women's status resulted in an increase in sexual violence. However, for rebel groups, an increase in civilian violence and women's status led to a decrease in sexual violence, thereby depicting women's status as a moderating factor. This creates a problem in identifying one or a few factors that predominately lead to an increase in sexual violence; such identification is key for the development of preventative policy.
ContributorsWinans, Sierra Brooke (Author) / Wright, Thorin (Thesis director) / Wood, Reed (Committee member) / School of International Letters and Cultures (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2016-12
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Description
In previous research, little work was done to understand how and to what extent female combatants in Colombian revolutionary groups functioned as leaders. This paper seeks to assess the agency that women in Colombian leftist revolutionary organizations such as M-19 and FARC had access to, specifically with regards to leadership.

In previous research, little work was done to understand how and to what extent female combatants in Colombian revolutionary groups functioned as leaders. This paper seeks to assess the agency that women in Colombian leftist revolutionary organizations such as M-19 and FARC had access to, specifically with regards to leadership. Colombian revolutionary groups failed to successfully incorporate women into higher ranks, despite claiming otherwise. The military structure particularly favors men by esteeming masculine roles and blaming women for the transgressions of men. This paper specifically evaluates the differences between the M-19 and FARC with regards to female leadership. The M-19 more effectively incorporated women into leadership roles than FARC due to differences regarding representation.
ContributorsCunningham, Carissa Ann (Author) / Wood, Reed (Thesis director) / Fahs, Breanne (Committee member) / School of Social and Behavioral Sciences (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2017-05
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The purpose of the study was to determine the level and type of public policy involvement among registered nurses (RN) who are members of the Arizona Nurses Association (AzNA). Furthermore, the aim of the study was to identify the knowledge base and motivation of nurses and their involvement in public

The purpose of the study was to determine the level and type of public policy involvement among registered nurses (RN) who are members of the Arizona Nurses Association (AzNA). Furthermore, the aim of the study was to identify the knowledge base and motivation of nurses and their involvement in public policy as well as the barriers and benefits. A 20- item survey was sent to all of the members of AzNA. There were 39 responses used in the analysis. The highest reported public policy activities in which the nurses had participated were: voted (90%), contacted a public official (51%), and gave money to a campaign or for a public policy concern (46%). Lack of time was the most frequently reported barrier to involvement and improving the health of the public was the most frequently reported benefit to involvement. The number of public policy education/information sources and the highest level of education positively correlate to the nurses' total number of public policy activities (r = .627 p <0.05; r = .504, p <0.05). Based on the results of stepwise linear regression analysis, the participants' age, number of education/information sources, and efficacy expectation predict 68.8% of involvement in public policy activities. The greater the number of education/information sources, the greater the number of public policy activities nurses report having participated in.
ContributorsHartman, Mykaila Corrine (Author) / Stevens, Carol (Thesis director) / Munoz, Aliria (Committee member) / Link, Denise (Committee member) / Arizona State University. College of Nursing & Healthcare Innovation (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2015-12
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Routine cervical cancer screening has significantly decreased the mortality rate of cervical cancer. Today, cervical cancer predominantly affects those who are rarely or never screened. Government programs are in place to provide cervical cancer screening at little to no cost, yet screening rates remain suboptimal.

This project evaluated an evidence-based intervention

Routine cervical cancer screening has significantly decreased the mortality rate of cervical cancer. Today, cervical cancer predominantly affects those who are rarely or never screened. Government programs are in place to provide cervical cancer screening at little to no cost, yet screening rates remain suboptimal.

This project evaluated an evidence-based intervention to increase cervical cancer screening among underserved women in a federally qualified health center (FQHC). Female patients ages 21 to 65 years without history of hysterectomy (n=1,710) were sent reminders to their phones through the electronic health record (EHR). The message included educational material about the screening process and an announcement regarding government aid for free or reduced cost screening.

The number of patients who made an appointment after receiving the message was assessed two months later. In total, 156 responses were collected, and 28 patients made an appointment for screening. The most frequently observed category of Ethnicity was Hispanic/Latina (n = 24, 86%). The most frequently observed category of Insurance was Title X (n = 13, 46%). The observations for Age had an average of 41.04 (SD = 9.93). Using an EHR communication function to send motivational reminders has shown some promise for increasing cervical cancer screening, thereby reducing cervical cancer mortality among the underserved.

ContributorsBabb, Maria (Author) / Link, Denise (Thesis advisor)
Created2020-04-18
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Description
A growing body of literature has sought to explain the nature and effects of conflict-related sexualized violence. However, a critical problem that persists concerns why wartime rape varies both within and across conflicts. Political science literature mainly addresses these questions of variation in sexualized violence through group-level or structural explanations.

A growing body of literature has sought to explain the nature and effects of conflict-related sexualized violence. However, a critical problem that persists concerns why wartime rape varies both within and across conflicts. Political science literature mainly addresses these questions of variation in sexualized violence through group-level or structural explanations. Yet, clear patterns of combatant non-participation in conflict-related sexualized violence is apparent, even in cases where sexual violence is severe and pervasive. What allows one combatant to refrain, while another combatant, even within the same combat unit, perpetrates sexualized violence? In this dissertation, I argue that critical differences concerning attitudes, beliefs, and motivations exist between individual combatants. In light of these differences, I reintroduce the individual combatant onto the theoretical map as a critical unit of analysis and I explore the implications of gender inequality as an important and relevant factor related to sexualized violence in political conflict. Drawing on findings from social psychology, political psychology, sociology, and political science, the theory developed argues that combatants differentially internalize important norms related to gender that become particularly activated based on primarily externalized contextual influences. To test the theory, I conduct a mixed-method, sub-national comparative analysis of combatants and attitudes and beliefs associated with gender inequality during the Bosnian War (1992 – 1995). I rely on qualitative data generated from semi-structured, comprehensive interviews with psychologists, victim’s advocates, and legal experts managing sexual violence war crimes cases, and combat veterans directly associated with the Bosnian War (1992 – 1995) to assess differences at the individual-level of analysis. To additionally determine the broader effects of gender inequality, I employ an ordered probit regression analysis to ascertain the relationship between gender inequality related to institutional health and education factors and the severity of wartime rape. The combined results of these analyses demonstrate that individual differences between combatants better predicts the likelihood of a combatant to commit sexualized violence compared to structural or institutional accounts alone.
ContributorsWilliamson, Holly, Ph.D (Author) / Kittilson, Miki (Thesis advisor) / Lake, Milli (Committee member) / Wood, Reed (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2019