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Description
Women in the military work in a hypermasculine environment and may have experiences with gender microaggressions that contribute poorly to their mental health. In this quantitative study, the author assessed active duty U.S. military women’s (N = 683) reports of experiences with eight types of gender microaggressions (traditional gender roles, sexual objectification, second class citizen, sexist language, explicit threat to physical safety, implicit threat to physical safety, invalidation of sexism, and environmental; Capodilupo et al., 2010). Participants reported around a little or rarely having experiences with such microaggressions. Exploratory analyses demonstrated that Navy and junior enlisted women reported significantly higher frequencies of gender microaggressions compared to other groups. Using hierarchical regression analysis, controlling for general levels of stress, branch, rank, and sexual orientation, the author also examined whether the eight gender microaggressions explained scores on a measure of depression. Results suggested that only second class citizen explained a significant proportion of variance in depression. Therefore, the author examined whether coping style moderated the association between the gender microaggression subscales and depression as proposed. Results indicated problem focused engagement and emotion focused disengagement both moderated the link between second class citizen and depression. Findings from the current study have the potential to inform military programs, specifically around bringing awareness to subtle forms of sexism and ways to engage in coping. Limitation and directions for future research also are discussed.
ContributorsDimberg, Sierra Kelsey (Author) / Spanierman, Lisa B (Thesis advisor) / Clark, David A. (Committee member) / Dillon, Frank (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2020
Description
This study examined relations between White parents’ color-blind and implicit racial attitudes and their children’s racial bias as well as moderation by diversity in children’s friends and caregivers, parental warmth, child age, and child sex. The sample included 190 White/Non-Hispanic children (46% female) between the ages of 5 and 9 years (M = 7.11 years, SD = .94) and their mothers (N = 184) and fathers (N = 154). Data used were parents’ reports of color-blind racial attitudes (Color-blind Racial Attitudes Scale; CoBRAS), parental warmth, and racial/ethnic diversity of children’s friendships and caregivers, direct assessment of primary parent implicit racial attitudes (Implicit Association Test; IAT), and direct assessment of children’s racial attitudes. Results supported hypothesized relations between parent racial attitudes and some child racial bias variables, especially under certain conditions. Specifically, both mothers’ and fathers’ color-blind racial attitudes were positively related to children’s social inclusion preference for White children over Black children and parents’ implicit White preference positively predicted child social inclusion racial bias, but only for younger children. Fathers’ color-blind racial attitudes positively predicted children’s social inclusion racial bias only when children’s pre-K caregivers were mostly White and were inversely related to children’s implicit White preference when children’s caregivers were more racially heterogeneous. Finally, parental warmth moderated relations such that, when mothers’ warmth was low, mother color-blind attitudes were negatively related to children’s racial bias in social distance preference and fathers’ color-blind attitudes positively predicted children’s social inclusion bias only when father warmth was low or average.
ContributorsGal-Szabo, Diana Elena (Author) / Spinrad, Tracy L (Thesis advisor) / Eisenberg, Nancy (Committee member) / Spanierman, Lisa B (Committee member) / Bradley, Robert (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2020
Description
Although the topic of hate group radicalization processes has received significant attention in recent years, less research has been dedicated to hate group exit processes. This gap is concerning because the number of hate groups and violent hate crimes in the United States has increased dramatically over the last decade (Southern Poverty Law Center, 2020). Through in-depth, semi-structured interviews with nine former white supremacists, this study explores how and why former ex-white supremacists leave their hate groups, and why some choose to then speak out against their former racist ideologies. Using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) as a methodological framework, I identified eleven themes related to the process of leaving one’s hate group and becoming an anti-hate activist. These themes are organized into three categories consistent with the research questions: (a) participants’ exit experiences (e.g., exit-precipitating interactions with members of marginalized communities), (b) participants’ post-exit experiences (e.g., navigating personal danger and threats to safety), and (c) participants’ experiences of becoming anti-hate activists (e.g., developing an activist identity). These findings may be used to guide the development of clinical interventions for supporting hate group members confronting pre- and post-exit consequences.
ContributorsLiguori, Jackson (Author) / Spanierman, Lisa B (Thesis advisor) / Warner, Cheryl B (Committee member) / Feagin, Joe R (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2021