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durations change as they transition into kindergarten (TtoK), 2) if changes to children’s
sleep schedules were contingent on their pre-kindergarten (T1) napping status and if T1
bedtimes were related to fall (T2) and spring (T3) bedtimes and durations, and 3) whether
T1 sleep, changes to sleep from T1 to T2, and concurrent sleep quality were related to
academic achievement and participation in 51 kindergarteners. It was hypothesized that
1) wake times would be earlier and sleep duration would be shorter during kindergarten
(T2 and T3) than at T1, 2) children who napped at T1 would go to bed later and have
shorter sleep duration than their non-napping peers and T1 bedtimes would be positively
associated with T2 and T3 bedtimes and negatively associated with T2 and T3 durations,
and 3) more optimal sleep (e.g., consolidated, consistent, and high quality) would be
positively related to academic achievement and participation. Parents reported on
children’s bedtimes, wake times, and nap lengths during T1, T2, and T3. During T3
children wore actigraphs for five consecutive school nights and completed the Woodcock
Johnson tests of achievement (WJ-III). Teachers also reported on children’s participation
in the classroom during T3. Results demonstrated that bedtimes and wake times were
earlier at T2 and T3 than T1. Duration was shorter at T2 and T3 than T1. Additionally,
napping was unrelated to bedtimes and durations, but T1 bedtime was positively related
to T2 and T3 bedtimes and negatively related to T2 and T3 durations. Finally, T1 nap
length, change in bedtimes, and Actigraphy duration were negatively related to
participation. Actigraphy onset variability was positively related to participation.
College students are exposed to stress accumulating from daily challenges, personal relationships, financial struggles, and academic pressure. Stressors can challenge an individual to perform better or serve as a hindrance to academic achievement, depending on the individual’s perception of stressors and capacity to overcome them (Lepine et al., 2004). Optimal levels of stress are beneficial to managing responsibilities in a timely manner, while unmanageable levels of stress can negatively impact motivation and achievement. Higher levels of negatively perceived stress could have measurable consequences on academic outcomes, including lower motivation and lower achievement. This study focuses on examining the prospective relationship between levels of college stress and the academic outcomes, accounting for individual differences in vulnerability to stress. Specifically, I examined whether the associations between stress (T2) and academic outcomes (T3) were moderated by earlier (T1) levels of economic hardship and effortful control as risk and resilience factors, respectively. I predicted that higher levels of college stress would be associated with lower academic motivation and performance. I expected that higher effortful control would show a stronger association between higher academic motivation and achievement with lower college stress levels. I also predicted that higher levels of familial economic hardship would exacerbate the influence of college stress on lower academic motivation and achievement. This study utilized data collected from survey measures administered to students during the transition from high school to college. Results demonstrated a significant negative association between increased college stress and higher academic outcomes. A lack of significant interactions propose that economic hardship does not have negative effects on academic outcomes. The findings of this study will help universities to support students experiencing detrimental levels of stress to improve later academic outcomes.