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- Creators: Arizona State University
Description
The Philippine Sea refers to the East and West Philippine Sea that are within the sovereign territory of the 7,641 islands of the Philippine archipelago. Historically, Spain, the United States, and Japan have colonized the islands, and the United States and China continue to maintain imperial interests in the area. Filipino/a/x diasporic activists in the U.S. and allies have participated in the anti-imperial struggle in support of demilitarization of the Pacific and of neo-colonized states across the globe. Responding to the problematics of anti-imperialism and solidarity, this dissertation advances the concept of agos or moving relations to attune to the sea as an analytic in theorizing activism, communication, and performance. This project was written on the unceded ancestral homelands of the Onk Akimel O’odham and Xalychidom Piipash, was inspired by the works of Black and Indigenous communities and scholars, and was influenced by Kale Fajardo’s notion of crosscurrents and Loma Cuevas-Hewitt’s concept of archipelagic poetics. Across critical organizational communication, critical intercultural communication, and performance studies, agos theorizes the relationalities of movements and the movements of relationalities. Utilizing critical qualitative, rhetorical, and performance methods, this project develops three instantiations of agos. In “Whirlpool Organizing,” the processes of anti-imperial organizers’ relationship and coalition building are examined to demonstrate the liquidities that animate dialectics and differences. In “Anchored Relationality,” U.S. diasporic Filipino/a/x’ varied and complex reconnections with Philippine waters are explored to illustrate the fluidities of positions and relations. In “Archipelagic Performance,” the staged production of “What sounds do turtles make?” is analyzed to showcase the flows of a decolonial and relational mode of performance.
ContributorsLabador, Ma Angela San Luis (Author) / LeMaster, Loretta (Thesis advisor) / Kim, Heewon (Thesis advisor) / Leong, Karen (Committee member) / Hastings, Rachel (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2023
Description
Black Americans and Black folks across the globe continue to proclaim variousunfreedoms we experience specifically due to our Blackness. As we struggle against and
survive through the unfair structures, ways of being, and conditions that are killing us, we
have been creating new survival strategies for living. One of our primary arguments is
that state entities and the anti-Black carcerality embedded in them (e.g., policing, prisons,
hospitals, welfare systems, military, the foster care system educational institutions etc.)
are the primary arbitrators weaponizing violence, injustice, and unfreedom in our lives.
Since the Black Lives Matter uprising in 2013 due to the murder of Trayvon Martin,
leading up to the largest global uprising in 2020 due to the murder of George Floyd, and
the ongoing activism around anti-Black police violence, we who are organizers and
activists have found ourselves seeking out alternative ways to be principled in our
struggles for abolition, transformative justice, and Black liberation. A part of being in
principled struggle is building a praxis (when theory meets practice) of how to conduct
oneself in community with others, and with the state in a way that is aligned with stated
values and beliefs. Much of the organizing work geared towards eradicating anti-Black
violence pulls from the theoretical and practiced interventions of the Black radical
tradition, Black feminist thought, and abolitionism(s) to inform their praxis. This
dissertation will seek out a Black radical queer feminist praxis by conducting an auto-
ethnography using critical art-based Black feminist-womanist storytelling to measure
data collected from my lived experiences as an organizer and activist to uplift the
liberation strategies of an era.
ContributorsAraya, Miriam (Author) / Anderson, Lisa (Thesis advisor) / Duarte, Marisa (Committee member) / Alhassan, Shamara (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2024
Description
In this dissertation, I grapple with the compelling question: Why have women’s mobilizations in Latin America not only increased but also become increasingly confrontational towards the state and other institutions, even amid a longstanding rise in progressive gender-based legislation and policies? This inquiry unfolds against a backdrop of diverse theoretical perspectives on women’s engagement in contentious politics. This introspection has led to the formulation of a theoretical mechanism, which posits that neither the proliferation of gender-progressive policies, windows of opportunity, nor grievances are sole precipitating factors. Instead, the emergence of the ‘legal facade’ – spawned by this structural political opportunity - incites further contentious actions. These are intertwined with the development of a collective conscience, anchored in a sense of shared destiny, amplified by both fear and hope. To elucidate the activists’ experiences, I employ a methodological blend of case-process tracing and narrative analysis. This ‘legal facade’ embodies the systematic failures of the state and informal institutions to effectively address women’s violence and inequalities, resulting in the superficial enactment of numerous policies and laws that have deep flaws in their design, execution, and evaluation.
ContributorsPaez, Camila (Author) / Hinojosa, Magfa (Thesis advisor) / Kittilson, Miki (Committee member) / Kirkpatrick, Jennet (Committee member) / Kaire, Jose (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2024
Description
This three-article dissertation is a qualitative exploration of language ideologies and discourse regarding the English language’s role in Puerto Rico’s (PR) education, politics, and culture. Centering the perspectives of civically engaged youth (CEY) and adhering to critical and decolonial theoretical frameworks, I explore how Puerto Ricans conceptualize the English language and its value at macro, meso, and micro levels. The first article provides a history of English language policies in PR. I perform a thematic analysis of archival newspaper data, political platforms, and politician and educational professional discourse to gain a nuanced understanding of the historical and current sociolinguistic discourse around English in the archipelago. I find that PR politicians use English as a bargaining tool to garner support, while they ignore the citizenry’s educational needs. Many educators, parents, and researchers have first-hand knowledge of the public education system’s dire needs that must be addressed to ensure successful language education programs. This knowledge is ignored by PR’s politicians.
To explore language ideologies regarding English from a mid-level view, I interviewed twelve CEYs to understand their perceptions, ideals, and experiences regarding English language use in PR. I then interpreted the language ideologies that inform CEYs’ interactions with, and perspectives of, the English language. I find that CEYs have complex, fluid, and nuanced beliefs about the English language. With these beliefs, they make room for resisting the traditional dichotomous views between English/Spanish that constrain us to Western ways of thinking, and they create opportunities to affirm their own knowledge and experiences as legitimate.
In the third article, I explore English language use at a micro-level. This involves examining English language use in activism and community work organizations’ official websites and social media platforms. I find that organizations use English not only in nominal ways (to refer to technology terms, United States (US) institutions and more) but also in complex and engaging ways such as citation of Black and Decolonial scholars and disseminating protective language.
ContributorsRodríguez-Martínez, Sara (Author) / Anderson, Kate T (Thesis advisor) / Sampson, Carrie (Committee member) / O'Connor, Brendan (Committee member) / Carroll, Kevin (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2024
Description
Despite the societal importance of activism, the understanding of activist intentions remained limited (Liebert, Leve, & Hu, 2011; Klar & Kasser, 2009). The current study used the Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB) to examine two structural models of low-risk activist intentions and high-risk activist intentions (Ajzen, 1991). The traditional TPB model was tested against a hybrid commitment model that also assessed past activist behaviors and activist identity. Participants (N = 383) were recruited through social media, professional list-serves, and word of mouth. Results indicated a good model fit for both the traditional TPB model (CFI = .98; RMSEA = .05; SRMR = .03; χ2(120) = 3760.62, p < .01) and the commitment model (CFI = .97; RMSEA = .05; SRMR = .04; χ2(325) = 7848.07, p < .01). The commitment model accounted for notably more variance in both low-risk activist intentions (78.9% in comparison to 26.5% for the traditional TPB model) and high-risk activist intentions (58.9% in comparison to 11.2% for the traditional TPB model). Despite this, the traditional TPB model was deemed the better model as the higher variance explained in the commitment model was almost entirely due to the inclusion of past low-risk activist behaviors and past high-risk activist behaviors. A post-hoc analysis that incorporated sexual orientation and religious affiliation as covariates into the traditional model also led to a good-fitting model (CFI = .98; RMSEA = .04; SRMR = .04; χ2(127) = 217.18, p < .01) and accounted for increased variance in low-risk activist intentions (29.7%) and high-risk activist intentions (18.7%) compared to the traditional model. The merits of each of the structural models and the practical implications for practice and research were discussed
ContributorsJew, Gilbert (Author) / Tran, Alisia (Thesis advisor) / Tracey, Terence (Committee member) / Capielo Rosario, Cristalís (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2019
Description
“OUT.” is a song cycle for bass and piano that follows the coming out process of a young homosexual who has been raised in a politically and religiously conservative corner of American culture. This character was taught from a very young age that anything or anyone of a queer nature was inherently wrong and should be avoided and scorned. The story arc captured in this seven-movement work is only a small portion of what the character ultimately goes through as they mature. This portion of their narrative has been isolated with the hope of embodying a queer character of strength, and this piece begins with the character knowing, understanding, and having already come to terms with their own sexuality. The story outlined in this song cycle is one of hardship that ultimately leads to triumph, as a demonstration that overcoming queer suppression is an achievable goal.
ContributorsGreenhalgh, Jedd (Author) / Suzuki, Kotoka (Thesis advisor) / Rockmaker, Jody (Committee member) / Roumain, Daniel B (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2019
Description
This dissertation discusses how Twitter may function not only as a tool for planning public protest, but also as a discursive site, albeit a virtual one, for staging protest itself. Much debate exists on the value and extent that Twitter (and other social media or social networking sites) can contribute to successful activism for social justice. Previously, scholars' assessments of online activism have tended to turn on a simple binary: either the activity enjoyed complete success for a social movement (for instance, during the Arab Spring an overthrow of a regime) or else the campaign was designated as a failure. In my dissertation, I examine a Twitter public-relations campaign organized by the New York Police Department using the hashtag #MyNYPD. The campaign asked citizens to tweet pictures of themselves with police officers, and the public did, just not in the way the police department envisioned. Instead of positive photos with the police, the public organized online to share pictures of police brutality and harassment. I collected six months of tweets using #MyNYPD, and then analyzed protestors' rhetorical work through three lenses: rhetorical analysis, analysis of literacy practices, and social network analysis. These analyses show, first, the complex rhetorical work required to appropriate the police department's public-service campaign for purposes that subverted its original intent; second, the wide range of literacy practices required to mobilize and to sustain public attention on data exposing police abuse; and third, the networked activity constituting the protest online. Together, these analyses show the important work achieved within this social justice campaign beyond the binary definition of successful activism. This project shows that by increasing our analytical repertoires for studying digital rhetoric and writing, scholars can more accurately acknowledge what it takes for participants to share experiential knowledge, to construct new knowledge, and to mobilize connections when engaging online in public protest.
ContributorsHayes, Tracey (Author) / Hayes, Elisabeth (Thesis advisor) / Long, Elenore (Thesis advisor) / Boyd, Patricia (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2016
Description
Sociopolitical involvement has been previously shown to be associated with experiences of discrimination. Lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) racial/ethnic minorities have faced multiple levels of discrimination from the mainstream community, racial/ethnic minority communities, and LGB communities. However, not many studies have investigated the association between intersectional forms of discrimination and sociopolitical involvement. The present study examines differences in perceptions of racism in the LGB community, sociopolitical involvement in racial/ethnic communities, and sociopolitical involvement in LGB communities among LGB racial/ethnic minorities (N = 203, MAge = 27.25). The sample included 107 (52.7%) men and 96 (47.3%) women; 41 (20.2%) lesbians, 89 (43.8%) gay men, and 73 (36.0%) bisexuals; 47 (23.2%) African Americans, 50 (24.6%) Asian Americans, 64 (31.5%) Latinos/as, and 42 (20.7%) from another race/ethnicity or mixed race. This study also looks at the association between perceptions of racism in the LGB community and sociopolitical involvement in racial/ethnic communities and/or LGB communities. Asian American participants reported perceiving higher levels of racism in the LGB community than Latino/a participants. No other differences in perceptions of racism in the LGB community were found between sexual orientation or by racial/ethnic group. No differences between racial/ethnic group or sexual orientations were found in sociopolitical involvement in racial/ethnic or LGB communities. When controlling for sexual orientation, gender, and race/ethnicity, perceptions of racism in the LGB community predicted sociopolitical involvement in racial/ethnic and LGB communities. By exploring correlates of discrimination from an intersectional perspective, this study provides a better understanding of the experiences of LGB racial/ethnic minorities.
ContributorsVanDaalen, Rachel (Author) / Santos, Carlos (Thesis advisor) / Homer, Judith (Committee member) / Tracey, Terence (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2016
Description
This study examined instructional and attitudinal changes influencing faculty members in a proprietary college after the parent company divorced itself from day-to-day leadership decisions during a "teach-out." A teach-out is the process of school closure, when the college stops enrolling new students, but teaches out currently enrolled students. It explores the strongest influences on faculty members during the teach-out process; how faculty members negotiate their work and how the changes appeared to impact students. Study findings revealed that the strongest influences were fellow faculty members. Several rose as leaders and essentially became educator activists starting a movement focused on what they believed to be an essential component of education and what had been missing previously, namely, creativity. They were supported in this endeavor by local leadership who served as "uplinks" and silently gave power to the movement. Students and the organization became beneficiaries of the renewed engagement of their instructors, which led to increased retention and placement rates. This study sought to understand the marked shift in the organizational culture and climate that governed faculty work life through the framework of organizational discourse as well as from a social justice context of freedom from oppression. Through the use of phenomenology and qualitative methods, including autoethnography, this study found that the structure of the teach-out effectively created a space for transformational leaders to emerge and become educator activists. This initial study provides a promising model for faculty engagement that appears to have positive outcomes for individual faculty members, students and the organization.
ContributorsGordon, Danielle (Author) / Swadener, Beth B (Thesis advisor) / Gee, James P (Committee member) / Sandlin, Jennifer (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2014
Description
This dissertation examines the history of multiracial alliances among internationalist radical activists in the San Francisco Bay Area from the late 1960s through the 1970s. Using the approaches of social movement history and intellectual history, I critically assess the ideological motivations radicals held for building alliances and the difficulties they encountered with their subsequent coalitional work in four areas of coalescence—the antiwar movement, political prisoner solidarity, higher education, and electoral politics. Radical activists sought to dismantle the systemic racism (as well as economic exploitation, patriarchy, and the intersections of these oppressions) that structured U.S. society, through the creation of broad-based movements with likeminded organizations. The activists in this study also held an orientation toward internationalist solidarity, linking the structural oppressions against which they struggled in the United States to the Vietnam War and other U.S. militaristic interventions overseas and viewing these entanglements as interconnected forces that exploited the masses around the world.
Scholarly and popular interpretations of Sixties radical movements have traditionally characterized them as narrowly-focused and divisive. In contrast, my research highlights the persistent desire among Bay Area radicals to form alliances across these decades, which I argue demonstrates the importance of collaborative organizing within these activist networks. Scholarship on coalitional politics also tends to emphasize “unlikely alliances” between “strange bedfellows.” In contrast, this project illuminates how sharing similar ideological principles predisposed these radical organizations to creating alliances with others. Coalitions remain integral to contemporary social and political movements, and excavating the possibilities but also problems within previous broad-based organizing efforts provides a usable history for understanding and confronting societal issues in the present day. At the same time, the multifarious manifestations of racism and other systems of inequality demonstrate the need to first understand how these oppressions affect minority groups uniquely, before we can understand how they affect groups in comparison to each other.
Scholarly and popular interpretations of Sixties radical movements have traditionally characterized them as narrowly-focused and divisive. In contrast, my research highlights the persistent desire among Bay Area radicals to form alliances across these decades, which I argue demonstrates the importance of collaborative organizing within these activist networks. Scholarship on coalitional politics also tends to emphasize “unlikely alliances” between “strange bedfellows.” In contrast, this project illuminates how sharing similar ideological principles predisposed these radical organizations to creating alliances with others. Coalitions remain integral to contemporary social and political movements, and excavating the possibilities but also problems within previous broad-based organizing efforts provides a usable history for understanding and confronting societal issues in the present day. At the same time, the multifarious manifestations of racism and other systems of inequality demonstrate the need to first understand how these oppressions affect minority groups uniquely, before we can understand how they affect groups in comparison to each other.
ContributorsBae, Aaron Byungjoo (Author) / Garcia, Matthew (Thesis advisor) / Leong, Karen J. (Committee member) / Delmont, Matthew (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2016