Theses and Dissertations

The definition of "beauty" can be interpreted in many ways but when defining it literally, it is considered as such: "a combination of qualities that pleases the intellect or moral sense" (Oxford Dictionaries). Beauty simply "pleases" the intellect; it does not say that intellect is a factor of beauty itself. Beauty is nice to look at, a mere pleasure to experience in the "moral sense." It does not have anything to do with one's actions, principles or intelligence, but instead the way one presents himself or herself. If someone is deemed as intellectual, does that mean they are not viewed as beautiful? Is that why beauty is rarely associated with brains and vice versa? Has a history of stereotypes and media interference convinced us that these two concepts cannot coexist? And what if we found out that they did? Could we take that person seriously? I decided to challenge the idea of beauty and brains, and see if beauty is in fact measured by its literal definition and controlled by its assumed stereotype, or if other factors apply when deciphering someone's "beauty." First, I will analyze the perceptions and stereotypes of engineers. By looking at the public opinion of both engineers and women engineers, I can show the common struggles engineers face. Next I will look at perceptions of cheerleaders, in particular, professional cheerleaders. Through analyzing current stereotypes and gender roles associated with these women in the spotlight, I can establish how opinions of these women are formed. I will also look at a survey of a sample of Arizona State University students in which we can confirm or deny the results found through research of previous studies. We will also be able to gather personal opinions about why these stereotypes exist and how to break them down. Finally, we will look at personal accounts of current or retired National Football League (NFL) cheerleaders. These will give first-hand examples of what it is like to be both a cheerleader and a woman in STEM (science, technology, engineering, and mathematics).

Significant health inequalities exist between different castes and ethnic communities in India, and identifying the roots of these inequalities is of interest to public health research and policy. Research on caste-based health inequalities in India has historically focused on general, government-defined categories, such as “Scheduled Castes,” “Scheduled Tribes,” and “Other Backward Classes.” This method obscures the diversity of experiences, indicators of well-being, and health outcomes between castes, tribes, and other communities in the “scheduled” category. This study analyzes data on 699,686 women from 4,260 castes, tribes and communities in the 2015-2016 Demographic and Health Survey of India to: (1) examine the diversity within and overlap between general, government-defined community categories in both wealth, infant mortality, and education, and (2) analyze how infant mortality is related to community category membership and socioeconomic status (measured using highest level of education and household wealth). While there are significant differences between general, government-defined community categories (e.g., scheduled caste, backward class) in both wealth and infant mortality, the vast majority of variation between communities occurs within these categories. Moreover, when other socioeconomic factors like wealth and education are taken into account, the difference between general, government-defined categories reduces or disappears. These findings suggest that focusing on measures of education and wealth at the household level, rather than general caste categories, may more accurately target those individuals and households most at risk for poor health outcomes. Further research is needed to explain the mechanisms by which discrimination affects health in these populations, and to identify sources of resilience, which may inform more effective policies.