Barrett, The Honors College Thesis/Creative Project Collection
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Barrett accepts high performing, academically engaged undergraduate students and works with them in collaboration with all of the other academic units at Arizona State University. All Barrett students complete a thesis or creative project which is an opportunity to explore an intellectual interest and produce an original piece of scholarly research. The thesis or creative project is supervised and defended in front of a faculty committee. Students are able to engage with professors who are nationally recognized in their fields and committed to working with honors students. Completing a Barrett thesis or creative project is an opportunity for undergraduate honors students to contribute to the ASU academic community in a meaningful way.
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- Creators: School of Politics and Global Studies
Description
The Federal Bureau of Investigation refers to the United States' lead agency involved in the investigation of terrorism (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2009). The federal law defines terrorism as a crime committed by non-state and state actors in order to influence the actions of the government through coercion or intimidation. Undeniably, terrorists have conducted destructive attacks that have resulted in massive loss of both lives and properties. Recent terrorist attacks that have led to massive loss are the Westgate attack in Kenya, the 1998 bomb blast in the American Embassy in Nairobi, and 11 September attack in the United States of America. Despite the existence of a number of security agencies in the United States, FBI has emerged as the lead agency in the fight against terrorist attacks. In this paper, I intend to unfold the responsibilities of the Federal Bureau of Investigation as a unit of the Justice Department, analyze how civil liberties fit into the responsibilities of the FBI, and then eventually scrutinize some of the challenges the FBI has encountered. In addition, this thesis shall examine some of the controversial acts such as the Patriot Act, Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA), and the Protect America Act.
ContributorsKhibeir, Neenora Yakoo (Author) / Simon, Sheldon (Thesis director) / Hardina, James (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / T. Denny Sanford School of Social and Family Dynamics (Contributor)
Created2014-05
Description
This piece highlights the Trump administration's history of diplomatic relations with states in East Asia (specifically North Korea (DPRK), South Korea (ROK), Japan, and China). The research in this essay primarily focuses on Trump's public attitudes towards these states during his presidential campaign, and seeks to establish if any negative statements towards East Asian states have affected social and diplomatic relations after Trump's inauguration. Overall, residents of Japan and South Korea had an overwhelmingly negative view of Trump during his campaign, primarily due to cultural differences and dissatisfaction with Trump's blunt, unpredictable demeanor which clashes with Japanese and Korean social norms. While public opinion of Trump was still low in mainland China, Trump's attitude is reminiscent of Mao Zedong's Cultural Revolution which serves as the societal and governmental framework of the modern People's Republic of China. Therefore, individuals living in China were more likely to be attracted to Trump's personality \u2014 this evident through the popularity of Trump "fan clubs" which gained popularity on Chinese social media websites during the American presidential campaign period. In terms of the bilateral relations between the U.S. and each East Asian state, Donald Trump's negative statements towards China, Japan, and South Korea during his campaign did not significantly impact diplomatic relations during his presidency. While Trump is vocally opposed to certain initiatives that are supported by these heads of state, he has demonstrated a willingness to discuss issues with these leaders. While this openness is not completely evident in U.S. \u2014 Southeast Asian relations, the leaders of Northeast Asia have set aside Trump's controversial campaign statements and have reciprocated his willingness to discuss important issues.
ContributorsGarvey, Lauren Agnes (Author) / Simon, Sheldon (Thesis director) / Ripley, Charles (Committee member) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / School of Public Affairs (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2018-05
Description
The Guantánamo Bay detention center received its first detainees on January 11, 2002, four months after the 9/11 attacks that precipitated the facility’s creation. According to the rhetoric of Bush Administration officials, the detention facility’s purpose after 9/11 was simple and obvious: it was there to keep ordinary Americans safe by keeping the most dangerous terrorists the United States military and intelligence communities could find under lock and key. But the administration’s reasons for creating the Guantánamo Bay facility, and the legal and political foundations on which they did so, were far more complicated.
That detention center was at the center of two conflicting responses to 9/11, which the Bush Administration tried to pursue simultaneously. One response was to investigate the 9/11 attacks in order to find the terrorists responsible for their planning and execution, detain those individuals, and try them for violations of law. The second response was to initiate an armed conflict against terrorist organizations and their state sponsors more broadly, including against those with loose or no ties to the individuals responsible for the 9/11 attacks. However, administration officials conflated these different responses and failed to develop a coherent strategy for fighting terrorism that would further either objective. The Guantánamo Bay detention program embodied that failure. The legal, political, and moral crisis that it has represented for fifteen years serves as evidence of the dangers of responding to national tragedies outside the bounds of established policy and legal frameworks.
That detention center was at the center of two conflicting responses to 9/11, which the Bush Administration tried to pursue simultaneously. One response was to investigate the 9/11 attacks in order to find the terrorists responsible for their planning and execution, detain those individuals, and try them for violations of law. The second response was to initiate an armed conflict against terrorist organizations and their state sponsors more broadly, including against those with loose or no ties to the individuals responsible for the 9/11 attacks. However, administration officials conflated these different responses and failed to develop a coherent strategy for fighting terrorism that would further either objective. The Guantánamo Bay detention program embodied that failure. The legal, political, and moral crisis that it has represented for fifteen years serves as evidence of the dangers of responding to national tragedies outside the bounds of established policy and legal frameworks.
ContributorsLoucks, Andrew Glennon (Author) / Simon, Sheldon (Thesis director) / Herrera, Richard (Committee member) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2016-05