Filtering by
- Resource Type: Text
In recent years, there has been an accelerating demand for new electronic systems of payment including pressures for various forms of digital currency. China has advanced a central bank digital currency (CBDC) which may well play a key role in their global economic ascendancy and thereby provide a substantive advantage in overtaking the United States as the dominant economic and political superpower. However, digital currencies in general, and a U.S. CBDC present a variety of challenges including development, approval, and implementation. Despite these concerns, this study argues that the U.S. should develop a CBDC on an expedited timeline with the help of an executive order. The study proceeds through three stages. First, the study explains what a CBDC is. Second, it identifies the motivations to develop a CBDC and threats that foreign CBDCs pose to the US dollar. Third, it analyzes current progress towards a United States CBDC. The study concludes with remarks on why the United States must elevate its sense of urgency and push more intensely to develop a competitive and strategic CBDC, and recommendations for a potential executive order. Ultimately, the President of the United States must put forth an additional executive order covering CBDCs and work to develop a CBDC on an expedited timeline to combat the rise of foreign digital currencies and protect the dollar.
The conflict between the Ethiopian government and Tigray forces has been ongoing for over a year. In this conflict, many atrocities have been committed by the state, including massacres, torture, and mass sexual violence often directed against civilian Tigray. Because of this, many have wondered whether the Ethiopian state is committing genocide. In this study, I apply Gregory Stanton’s ten stages of genocide model to the Ethiopian state’s use of violence against civilian Tigray to argue that the Ethiopian government has and continues to commit genocide. Since the process of genocide is not linear, many reports, testimonies, and actions of the government support the argument that the Tigrayan people are victims of genocide.
These reports reveal there are certainly some local peacebuilding programs and they do appear to view conflict as a continuum requiring process-oriented goals, such as creating local community mediation organizations. In terms of Autesserre’s three dominant narratives, the results are more mixed. This assortment of seemingly contradictory findings does not mean Autesserre’s arguments are invalid. The USAID Congo Country Strategy document unlocks this apparent contradiction as it explicitly acknowledges Autesserre’s criticisms and appears to move toward finding more nuanced approaches to the conflict. However, at times it still emphasizes the same dominant narratives and state-to-state level approaches. This paper, therefore, concludes that USAID, and potentially others, are in a state of transition between entrenched and evolving narratives. The discord in these evaluations highlights the internal crisis peacebuilders in the Congo are currently facing as they reassess their narratives. In keeping with the self-improving nature of M&E, hopefully these international interveners can move through their narrative transition in an efficient manner, so that they can remain a supportive peacebuilding partner to the Congolese people.
In 2021, Palestine will have been under official Israeli occupation for 54 years. As conflict persists between the two populations, it is becoming increasingly difficult to imagine a peaceful resolution. As international legal bodies have failed to bring an end to the occupation, the Israeli government continues to carry out extensive violations of human rights against the Palestinians. One significant consequence of the occupation has been the Palestinians’ lack of access to safe and reliable water, a problem that is continuing to worsen as a result of climate change and years of over-utilization of shared, regional water resources. Since the occupation started, international organizations have not only affirmed the general human right to water but have overseen several peace agreements between Israel and Palestine that have included stipulations on water. Despite these measures, neither water access nor quality has improved and, over time, has worsened. This paper will look at why international law has failed to improve conditions for Palestinians and will outline the implications of the water crisis on a potential solution between Israel and Palestine.