Matching Items (9)
150820-Thumbnail Image.png
Description
The Phoenix area had no sizable Mexican presence before the U.S. took over the territory. Some assumed that the region was founded completely by whites from the outset. Whites and Mexicans actually held nearly equal populations throughout the first two decades of settlement. Though they did not hold equal status,

The Phoenix area had no sizable Mexican presence before the U.S. took over the territory. Some assumed that the region was founded completely by whites from the outset. Whites and Mexicans actually held nearly equal populations throughout the first two decades of settlement. Though they did not hold equal status, their cohabitation was largely characterized by mutual interdependence and respect. Transforming the Salt River Valley's desert terrain into a regional agricultural hub depended on the Sonorans' preindustrial skills. As the town modernized, a new class of resident sought large scale projects to integrate Phoenix into the U.S. economy. Two pivotal projects achieved this. First, railroad spur lines made Phoenix accessible for migrants, as well as allowing farmers to supply commercial markets profitably. Second, the massive Roosevelt Dam secured a stable water supply for valley farmers. While these projects provided the foundation for development, it was cotton that brought commercial success. Throughout World War I, valley cotton growers capitalized on the booming cotton market by expanding their average acreage from 400 acres in 1912 to 130,000 acres in 1920. This rapid escalation to meet wartime demands depended upon a massive seasonal labor force from Mexico. While this boom brought prosperity to valley farmers, it solidified the Mexican's role in the Salt River Valley as little more than a laborer. Valley cotton growers impressively managed all labor issues through a well-organized collective association. Over-recruitment and wage setting kept workers from collective bargaining for better wages. The cotton growers' hegemony crashed along with cotton prices in 1921. Though the industry recovered fairly quickly, the cotton growers faced a new challenge in the rising national clamor to restrict Mexican immigration to the U.S. Though growers fought restrictions in Congressional hearings throughout the decade, the economic crash of 1929 finally ended widespread Mexican immigration. By the time of the crash, most Mexicans who remained lived in the agricultural peripheries or scattered urban barrios.
ContributorsWalker, Scott (Author) / Rosales, Francisco A (Thesis advisor) / Vandermeer, Phil (Committee member) / Stoner, Lynn (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2012
149683-Thumbnail Image.png
Description
Wage theft is a national epidemic that only recently became the focus of increasing research, critical public questioning, and activism. Given the socio- political climate in Maricopa County, Arizona and the heightened national attention on the state, this study answers important questions about the work experiences of immigrant workers in

Wage theft is a national epidemic that only recently became the focus of increasing research, critical public questioning, and activism. Given the socio- political climate in Maricopa County, Arizona and the heightened national attention on the state, this study answers important questions about the work experiences of immigrant workers in the region. Through an analysis of interviews with 14 low-wage Mexican workers from a local worker rights center, I explore workers' access to traditional recourse, the effects of wage theft on workers and families, and the survival strategies they utilize to mitigate the effects of sudden income loss. By providing an historical overview of immigration and employment law, I show how a dehumanized and racialized labor force has been structurally maintained and exploited. Furthermore, I describe the implications of two simultaneous cultures on the state of labor: the culture of fear among immigrants to assert their rights and utilize recourse, and the culture of criminality and impunity among employers who face virtually no sanctions when they are non-compliant with labor law. The results indicate that unless the rights of immigrant workers are equally enforced and recourse is made equally accessible, not only will the standards for pay and working conditions continue to collapse, but the health of Latino communities will also deteriorate. I assert that in addition to structural change, a shift in national public discourse and ideology is critical to substantive socio-political transformation.
ContributorsSanidad, Cristina (Author) / Téllez, Michelle (Thesis advisor) / Adelman, Madelaine (Committee member) / Gomez, Alan E (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2011
189400-Thumbnail Image.png
Description
Identifying the hindrances to performing effective talent acquisition within the science, technology, engineering, and mathematics field is an important topic for technical hiring managers. Top candidates have multiple options during highly competitive market conditions requiring managers to look for unique solutions which diverge from competition. Prior to this study there

Identifying the hindrances to performing effective talent acquisition within the science, technology, engineering, and mathematics field is an important topic for technical hiring managers. Top candidates have multiple options during highly competitive market conditions requiring managers to look for unique solutions which diverge from competition. Prior to this study there has been very little research considering national laboratory research and development challenges from a technical hiring manager’s talent acquisition perspective. Utilizing a unique combination of national laboratory multi-organization survey, pilot study, Human Resource (HR) tracking data and trust based business strategy to enhance partnering this research finds hiring managers can leverage out of the box techniques to improve internal processes while developing industry support to target highly qualified individuals. This methodology could be utilized by technical hiring managers across federal national laboratory enterprise to effectively capture next generation staff and leadership talent who align with their organization professionally as well as social culture.
ContributorsBane, Scott C. (Author) / Sullivan, Kenneth (Thesis advisor) / Hurtado, Kristen (Committee member) / Standage, Richard (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2023
187641-Thumbnail Image.png
Description
Throughout history, social movements have been a key tool for socio-political transformation. One way that they achieve this is through their ability to educate significant numbers of people in short periods of time. The study of “social movement learning” helps to explain how and why the exchange of knowledge powers

Throughout history, social movements have been a key tool for socio-political transformation. One way that they achieve this is through their ability to educate significant numbers of people in short periods of time. The study of “social movement learning” helps to explain how and why the exchange of knowledge powers social movements. This research seeks to understand how sex workers engage in social movement learning in the pursuit of labor rights, using a descriptive case study of the North Hollywood Stripper Strike (March 18, 2022-2023). Drawing on interviews with local organizers, this thesis analyzes the Stripper Strike’s union campaign through the lens of knowledge exchange. The resulting seven-part model of social movement learning expands Hall’s (2009) model to include 1) formal learning, 2) nonformal direct learning, 3) nonformal direct education, 4) nonformal indirect learning, 5) nonformal indirect education, 6) informal learning, and 7) informal education as relevant typologies. By creating an amended social movement learning model, this research seeks to facilitate social movement-driven socio-political transformation, specifically within the sex worker’s rights and labor movements.
ContributorsEsch, Maria (Author) / Adelman, Madelaine (Thesis advisor) / McQuarrie, Michael (Committee member) / Schugurensky, Daniel, 1958- (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2023
157853-Thumbnail Image.png
Description
This dissertation examines the embodied experiences of domestic workers and their children as they emerged in organizing campaigns aimed at achieving a Domestic Worker Bill of Rights in California. I analyze the ways domestic worker organizers have historically conceptualized their movements around demands for dignified labor and immigration reform. I

This dissertation examines the embodied experiences of domestic workers and their children as they emerged in organizing campaigns aimed at achieving a Domestic Worker Bill of Rights in California. I analyze the ways domestic worker organizers have historically conceptualized their movements around demands for dignified labor and immigration reform. I argue that their demands for protections and rights force them into a contradictory space that perpetuates vulnerability and recasts illegality—a space where domestic workers’ bodies get continuously figured as exploited and in pain in order to validate demands for rights. I trace this pattern in organizational survey material across generations, where worker’s voices resisted prefigured mappings of their bodies in pain, and where they laid out their own demands for a movement that challenged normative frameworks of fair labor and United States citizenship that continue to center race and gender in the transnational mobility of migrant women from Mexico and Central America. Furthermore, I explore the embodied experiences of domestic workers’ children, and the embedded power relations uncovered in their memories as they narrate their childhood accompanying their mothers to work. Their memories provided an affective landscape of memory where the repetitive, and demeaning aspects of domestic work are pried apart from western, colonial arrangements of power. I argue that their collective embodied knowledge marks a reframing of pain where transfiguration is possible and transformative patterns of becoming are prioritized. I propose interpreting these collective, embodied memories as a constellation of shimmers—luminous points that align to expose the relationships between workers, their children, employers, and their families, and the specific context in which they were produced. Altogether, they create what I call a brown luminosity—forces activated by their mothers’ labor that created multiple worlds of possibilities for their children, resulting in nomadic memories which move beyond victimizing their mother’s bodies to enable an ever-changing perspective of the ways their labor has radically transformed homes, livelihoods, and transnational spaces.
ContributorsPerez, Nancy (Author) / Talebi, Shahla (Thesis advisor) / Romero, Mary (Committee member) / Fish, Jennifer N. (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2019
158628-Thumbnail Image.png
Description
This dissertation examines the San Diego border region to understand migrant construction worker’s mobility, autonomy, and labor power. San Diego County is enclosed by a network of internal immigration checkpoints and roving patrol operations that constrain migrant worker’s labor power to the territorial boundaries of the county. The project uses

This dissertation examines the San Diego border region to understand migrant construction worker’s mobility, autonomy, and labor power. San Diego County is enclosed by a network of internal immigration checkpoints and roving patrol operations that constrain migrant worker’s labor power to the territorial boundaries of the county. The project uses ‘differential mobility’ as a strategic concept to highlight the ways in which borders differentiate, sort, and rank among noncitizen migrant construction workers to meet local labor demands. The project reveals worker’s collective struggle to evade and cross border enforcement operations to maintain consistent employment across a border region that is marked by internal immigration checkpoints, roving patrol stops, and state surveillance measures. In addition, the project examines migrant men’s emerging workplace narratives about the body and penetration that symbolize workers’ understanding of social domination in a global economy. These expressions open up a critical space from which migrant men begin to critique a global economy that drives men northbound for employment and southbound for retirement—inhibiting a future that is neither entirely in the United States or Mexico.
ContributorsAvalos, Diego (Author) / Gomez, Alan (Thesis advisor) / Quan, H.L.T. (Committee member) / Yellow Horse, Aggie (Committee member) / Téllez, Michelle (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2020
161890-Thumbnail Image.png
Description
This dissertation is a collection of three essays that take seriously the knowledge generated through and by communities in struggle in Pakistan. This project reveals how communities in struggle are systematically excluded and power is monopolized in the hands of a few, engages the means through which communities find ways

This dissertation is a collection of three essays that take seriously the knowledge generated through and by communities in struggle in Pakistan. This project reveals how communities in struggle are systematically excluded and power is monopolized in the hands of a few, engages the means through which communities find ways to survive and thrive under harsh conditions. The first essay, “Beyond Bondage: Hari Women’s Communities of Struggle” centers the testimonies of peasant Hari women, or bonded sharecroppers, in Sindh, Pakistan, describing the carceral conditions of labor to which they are subjected. The essay historicizes the ability of wealthy, politically empowered landlords to retain their monopoly over land resources and attempts to make explicit the tacit state support that allows this system of bonded labor to continue unregulated. These testimonies also document the Hari women’s tools for escape and their movement to free others. The second essay, “Khawaja Sira Life Struggles: Is Womanness Really a Loss?” traces the stories of Khawaja Sira Gurus from Lahore, Pakistan, who are engaged in organizing their community to advocate for rights and human dignity, and how they make inroads into the imposed gender regime. It argues that Khawaja Siras create a third space inside a heavily enforced gender binary. It also shows how the Khawaja Sira community provides its members home to exist in their womanness that eases their alienation from their family and society. The final essay, “The Movement for Transgender Rights in Pakistan” traces the history of criminalization of the Hijra/Khawaja Sira community and argues that colonial legal formations set in motion marginalization of trans* lives, which the post-colonial Pakistani state folded easily into its binary understanding of gender. Trans* activists have been engaging the state on its own terrain to make trans* life legible to the state, with the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act of 2018 being the most recent gain.
ContributorsSuhail, Sarah (Author) / Quan, H.L.T. (Thesis advisor) / Leong, Karen J (Committee member) / Toor, Saadia (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2021
161606-Thumbnail Image.png
Description
The increasing job opportunities abroad as spa therapists attract significant numbers of young Indonesian women. Although the placement process is conducted by licensed recruitment agents and supervised by government officials, migrant workers might be at high risk of experiencing work exploitation and physical or sexual abuse. To investigate the phenomenon

The increasing job opportunities abroad as spa therapists attract significant numbers of young Indonesian women. Although the placement process is conducted by licensed recruitment agents and supervised by government officials, migrant workers might be at high risk of experiencing work exploitation and physical or sexual abuse. To investigate the phenomenon of documented, yet still vulnerable, female migrant workers, this research conducts interviews with several former spa therapists who were working in Malaysia and some civil servants. This study highlights that individual or personal resistances could be a collective political struggles. Specifically, this research connects individual experiences with the bigger picture of social, economic, and political condition, which, together, constitutes a gender-based labor migration system. To do this, the research employs qualitative-interpretive research methods through discourse analysis and in-depth and open-ended interviews. It also employs an intersectional feminist approach to data analysis to reveal how Indonesian female migrant workers are marginalized and oppressed and the power dynamics at play.
ContributorsNabila, Asma Zahratun (Author) / Colbern, Allan (Thesis advisor) / Behl, Natasha (Thesis advisor) / Goksel, Nisa (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2021
168520-Thumbnail Image.png
Description
This thesis argues that food delivery gig workers are the canaries in the coalmine for understanding the future of work and point to the proliferation of a more exploitative capitalist system. While exploitation in the workplace is not new, the way in which choice, freedom, and autonomy are used to

This thesis argues that food delivery gig workers are the canaries in the coalmine for understanding the future of work and point to the proliferation of a more exploitative capitalist system. While exploitation in the workplace is not new, the way in which choice, freedom, and autonomy are used to repackage old forms of exploitation through digital platforms indicates a new iteration. This thesis draws on extant literature in order to analyze twelve in-depth interviews with gig workers working for food delivery platforms, as well as online forums dedicated to food delivery workers. The study finds that food delivery gig workers perceive this new labor system as advantageous in terms of flexibility, autonomy, and finances. Although this new job niche mitigates precarity for some individuals, the food delivery corporations constrain the very control that gig workers value and ultimately exacerbate worker precarity. Gig work is both an economic relief and exploitative, flexible, and unreliable, and emancipative and restrictive. Food delivery gig workers’ experiences highlight tensions for those who want both autonomy and control, alongside better working conditions and protections. Despite some workers being aware of their exploitation, conditions outside of the gig sector in the traditional economy are increasingly unable to meet their needs, so they are willing to accept and even defend a job that actively undermines their stability. Food delivery gig workers help to reveal the contradictions within the current labor market and point to opportunities for changing it.
ContributorsPAYRAUDEAU, MURIEL CECILE CLAIRE (Author) / Adelman, Madelaine (Thesis advisor) / McQuarrie, Michael (Committee member) / Perkins, Tracy (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2021