Matching Items (3)
Description
The 2012 South Korean presidential elections made headlines around the world with the election of the country's first woman president, Park Geun-Hye. While some media outlets glossed over the story with remarks of South Korea's "forward" and "progressive" thinking, many others were quick to point out the extremely unique case of President Park Geun-Hye's election and the continuing gender inequality that exists in South Korea. Among statistics that indicate gender inequality within a country, South Korea's percentage of women's representation in its National Assembly currently sits at 15.6%, one of the lowest among similarly developed countries. South Korea first adopted its gender quota system in 2000. But after the initial jump in women's representation from 3% in 1996 to 13% in 2004 election, there has been no significant rise in women's representation in South Korea. This paper looks into the low transition of Assemblywomen in Proportional Representation seats to Single Member Districts following their first term in the Korean National Assembly as an indicator of the inability for sustainable growth in women's representation in South Korea to occur despite their gender quota legislation. I look at committee assignments, a key reelection tool, in order to measure the electability of Assemblywomen after they are termed out of the PR seat. The results indicate that Assemblywomen are sidelined to women's issues and social issues committee. But results also indicate that it is difficult for their male PR seatmates to transition into SMD seats as well. This leads to the conclusion that it is the PR system as a whole that makes it difficult for PR Assemblymembers to create a political career by transitioning into a SMD seat.
ContributorsRobles, Selianna R (Author) / Shair-Rosenfield, Sarah (Thesis director) / Hinojosa, Magda (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor)
Created2014-05
Description
While women constitute a majority of the U.S. population, they still make up only a minority of political officeholders. Some of the literature in political ambition argues that one of the reasons for the dearth of women in elective office is that women are less socialized than men to want to run for political office. The same literature suggests that such disparity can be traced back to high school. This exploratory paper examines the possibility that the disparity may be due, at least in part, to the different ways in which men and women are represented in civics textbooks. Specifically, because some works already suggest that women are less represented than men in civics textbooks, this work examines whether there are any differences between the way that regular and AP civics textbooks represent men and women. This was done using content analysis on AP and regular textbooks from three schools each from different districts in the state of Arizona. The findings from the content analyses were consistent with the first three hypotheses: that (1) the AP civics textbooks have a higher percentage of women than do the regular civics textbooks, (2) the AP civics textbooks devote a higher percentage of pages to women’s names than do the regular civic textbooks, and that (3) that both the AP and regular civics textbooks discuss women and men with a neutral tone. However, findings were not consistent with the fourth hypothesis, (4) that there will be more female role models among the top mentioned women in AP textbooks than there will be role models among the top mentioned women in regular textbooks. The manifest content analysis revealed that the percent of women mentioned in the AP textbooks sampled was 2.8 to 3 times higher than that of regular textbooks. That ratio increased to 4 to 4.5 times when the percent of pages mentioning women were taken into account. The latent content analysis, which assessed the tone of each sentence, revealed that men and women were generally treated neutrally when compared with one another in all of the textbooks studied—thus strengthening the substantive significance of the aforementioned ratios. Further analyses conducted for Hypothesis 4, however, revealed that in the regular and AP textbooks studied, female role models were mentioned both less often and less strongly than were male role models.
ContributorsWiezel, Adi (Author) / Fridkin, Kim (Thesis director) / Woodall, Gina (Committee member) / Walker, Stephen (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor)
Created2013-05
Description
As social media becomes a dominant tool in political campaigns, it is important to analyze how candidates and voters interact over social media and how this impacts elections. This study aims to uncover whether Instagram comments - a key tool voters use to interact with candidates - have an impact on voters’ perceptions and whether or not there are differences in these impacts based on the gender of the candidate. Due to bias against women in politics, I hypothesize that respondents will evaluate female candidates more harshly than male candidates after viewing negative Instagram comments associated with them. To test this hypothesis, I randomly separated a sample of 435 undergraduate students into four groups. Each group was assigned a hypothetical incumbent Senate candidate (male or female) and shown a candidate biography. The biographies were identical, save for the names/genders of the candidates. Additionally, the two experimental groups were shown negative Instagram comments associated with their candidate. Each group was asked to evaluate their candidate's viability, favorability, competency, leadership ability, and qualifications, in addition to scoring the likelihood that they would vote for them. I found that the male candidate had lower scores than his female counterpart for all six traits evaluated, meaning he was evaluated more harshly. This persisted in both the control and experimental groups, as well as both before and after the stimulus was presented to the experimental groups. However, the respondents’ evaluation scores for the female candidate dropped by a larger margin after viewing the negative comments than the scores for the male candidate did. This persisted for five of the six traits evaluated. Voters’ perceptions, then, are impacted by negative Instagram comments for male and female candidates, although there is some evidence to indicate that they have a larger negative effect on the perceptions of female candidates.
ContributorsDawson, Lydia (Author) / Woodall, Gina (Thesis director) / Lennon, Tara (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / School of International Letters and Cultures (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor)
Created2024-05