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The minority population of African American women (AAW) have been found to be most at risk when it comes to certain negative health outcomes (Hales, Carroll, Fryar, & Ogden, 2017). The purpose of this literature review is to discuss the negative effects of perceived discrimination on stress levels for obese

The minority population of African American women (AAW) have been found to be most at risk when it comes to certain negative health outcomes (Hales, Carroll, Fryar, & Ogden, 2017). The purpose of this literature review is to discuss the negative effects of perceived discrimination on stress levels for obese AAW. Analysis of several studies have found that perceived discrimination increases the stress levels of AAW and can lead to an increase in physical health problems such as poor eating behaviors, which can lead to weight gain and chronic health issues such as hypertension, Type 2 Diabetes Mellitus, cardiovascular disease, osteoarthritis, sleep apnea, fatty liver disease, and pregnancy complications (Cooper, Thayer, & Waldstein, 2013; Hales, Carroll, Fryar, & Ogden, 2017; Hayman, McIntyre, & Abbey, 2015; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, National Institutes of Health, National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, 2015). Through research, increased stress due to perceived discrimination was also found to have negative impacts on mental health such as depression, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), anxiety, rumination, negative racial regard, and psychological distress (Carter, Walker, Cutrona, Simons, & Beach, 2016; Hill, & Hoggard, 2018; Knox-Kazimierczuk, Geller, Sellers, Baszile, & Smith-Shockley, 2018; Pascoe, & Richman, 2009). Article analysis found that many AAW use negative coping mechanisms such as rumination, negative racial regard, poor eating behaviors, and repressing feels of race-related events to combat stress when dealing with race-based events (Carter, Walker, Cutrona, Simons, & Beach, 2016; Hayman, McIntyre, & Abbey, 2015; Hill, & Hoggard, 2018). Positive coping mechanisms discussed to reduce stress and chronic disease included prayer and active coping to counteract the effects of rumination (Cooper, Thayer, & Waldstein, 2013; Hill, & Hoggard, 2018).
ContributorsJacobs, Abigail (Author) / Sullivan-Detheridge, Julie (Thesis director) / Uriri-Glover, Johannah (Committee member) / Edson College of Nursing and Health Innovation (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2019-12
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My thesis aims to examine how partisan politics and politicization of women’s health issues adversely impacts the health and wellbeing of women. I will explore this topic within the broader context of partisanship, morality, feminism, and social justice in an attempt to dissect the arguments propagated by both the pro-life

My thesis aims to examine how partisan politics and politicization of women’s health issues adversely impacts the health and wellbeing of women. I will explore this topic within the broader context of partisanship, morality, feminism, and social justice in an attempt to dissect the arguments propagated by both the pro-life and pro-choice spheres. Political polarization results in limitations for reproductive health resources for women, particularly low-income and minority women who rely on government-funded healthcare to meet their needs. Moreover, reducing women’s healthcare decision-making opportunities not only has a destructive impact on their health and financial security, but also poses significant human rights implications concerning bodily autonomy and gender equality. Through the literature review, I intend on highlighting the role of conservative politics in diminishing available services, to the detriment of women, particularly low-income and marginalized women. I plan to demonstrate this hypothesis through a literature review, analysis of Roe v. Wade, and a review of the historical trajectory that illuminates factors related to the availability and accessibility of reproductive resources. Lastly, I will critique the political narratives pushed by both liberal and conservative media and highlight the need for a comprehensive reproductive justice framework for achieving positive SHRH outcomes.
Created2021-05
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In 2013, Cynthia Daniels and a team of researchers at Rutgers University in New Brunswick, New Jersey, founded the Informed Consent Project. Daniels and the researchers assessed the medical accuracy of information within state-authored informational materials for abortion. States give those materials to women who want an abortion, but using

In 2013, Cynthia Daniels and a team of researchers at Rutgers University in New Brunswick, New Jersey, founded the Informed Consent Project. Daniels and the researchers assessed the medical accuracy of information within state-authored informational materials for abortion. States give those materials to women who want an abortion, but using their research, the Informed Consent Project found some information from those materials to be inaccurate, misleading, and coercive. The Informed Consent Project gathered a panel of researchers and medical specialists to review the information about embryological and fetal development from twenty-three states’ informational materials. They found that approximately one-third of that information was inaccurate. The work of the Informed Consent Project challenges abortion-specific informed consent laws, highlighting medical inaccuracies in state-authored informational materials as evidence that women’s consent to abortion may be based on false or misleading statements.

Created2021-06-01
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As of 2021, twenty-eight US states have informed consent laws for abortion, which is a medical procedure to terminate pregnancy, often called Women’s Right to Know laws. Those laws often require the state government to develop informational materials that healthcare providers must give to women before an abortion. Informational materials

As of 2021, twenty-eight US states have informed consent laws for abortion, which is a medical procedure to terminate pregnancy, often called Women’s Right to Know laws. Those laws often require the state government to develop informational materials that healthcare providers must give to women before an abortion. Informational materials generally include information about the process of fetal development, accompanied by illustrations or pictures, risks and effects of abortion, and alternatives to abortion. Supporters of informed consent laws for abortion argue that such information is important for women to make a decision to have an abortion. Individual states author and distribute those informational materials, which are a primary source of information for people who seek an abortion. Medical expert and abortion rights activists have criticized the materials for providing inaccurate information, making misleading statements, and using coercive language to discourage women from choosing abortion.

Created2021-06-10
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In 2019, Americans United for Life, hereafter AUL, published a model legislation, called the Women’s Right to Know Act, in their annual publication Defending Life. The goal of the model legislation, which AUL annually updates, is to help state governments enact enhanced informed consent laws for abortion. The Women’s Right

In 2019, Americans United for Life, hereafter AUL, published a model legislation, called the Women’s Right to Know Act, in their annual publication Defending Life. The goal of the model legislation, which AUL annually updates, is to help state governments enact enhanced informed consent laws for abortion. The Women’s Right to Know Act requires physicians to provide specific information to women before they may consent to having an abortion. It also suggests that individual US state governments to develop informational materials about abortion and pregnancy that healthcare providers must give to women before they receive an abortion. As of 2020, twenty-eight states have enacted informed consent laws for abortion that resemble the Women’s Right to Know Act. In a larger effort to dismantle legal access to abortion, the AUL’s Women’s Right to Know Act encourages individual states to restrict access to abortion to protect, what the organization calls, the unborn child.

Created2021-06-23
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In 2003, the Texas state legislature passed the Woman’s Right to Know Act, hereafter the Act, as Chapter 171 of the state’s Health and Safety Code. The Act sets requirements that physicians must follow during the informed consent process for abortion, or a medical procedure to terminate pregnancy, in Texas.

In 2003, the Texas state legislature passed the Woman’s Right to Know Act, hereafter the Act, as Chapter 171 of the state’s Health and Safety Code. The Act sets requirements that physicians must follow during the informed consent process for abortion, or a medical procedure to terminate pregnancy, in Texas. Lawmakers amended the Act and added several additional regulations that restrict access to abortion in 2011, 2013, 2015, and 2017. For instance, the Act requires that physicians perform abortions after sixteen weeks of pregnancy in ambulatory surgical centers or hospitals and states that physicians must perform an ultrasound to view images, called sonograms, of a developing fetus inside a woman’s uterus before a woman may receive an abortion. The Act further requires practitioners and clinics to offer state-developed informational materials to women who seek an abortion. The Act placed several restrictions on abortion care in Texas, making it more difficult for women to access safe and legal abortion care, which opponents have challenged in courts.

Created2021-07-15