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Recent legislation allowing educational agencies to use Response to Intervention (RTI) in determining whether a child has a specific learning disability, coupled with a focus on large-scale testing and accountability resulted in the increasing use of curriculum based measurement (CBM) as a tool for understanding students' progress towards state standards,

Recent legislation allowing educational agencies to use Response to Intervention (RTI) in determining whether a child has a specific learning disability, coupled with a focus on large-scale testing and accountability resulted in the increasing use of curriculum based measurement (CBM) as a tool for understanding students' progress towards state standards, particularly in reading through the use of oral reading fluency measures. Extensive evidence of oral reading fluency's predictability of reading comprehension exists, but little research on differential effects across racial, gender, and socioeconomic subgroups is available. This study investigated racial, gender, and socioeconomic bias in DIBELS Oral Reading Fluency (DIBELS ORF) probes predictive and concurrent relationship with MAP reading comprehension scores for African American and Caucasian students. Participants were 834 second through fifth grade students in a school district located in a southeastern US state. The dataset consisted of student fall and spring DIBELS ORF scores and spring MAP reading comprehension scores. Concurrent correlation results between spring DIBELS ORF and MAP reading comprehension scores were moderate to large and statistically significant across all grades and demographic groups; however, correlations between fall DIBELS ORF and MAP reading comprehension scores were generally weak. Stepwise multiple regression analyses were used to examine the best variable, or combination of variables, in predicting MAP reading comprehension scores. Models differed for each grade level; however, spring DIBELS ORF scores were always included, whether alone or in combination with demographic variables, in the best prediction model. Potthoff's procedure was used to simultaneously test for slope and intercept differences among regression equations to determine if DIBELS ORF scores from fall and spring differentially predicted MAP reading comprehension scores across demographic groups. Nine of 24 simultaneous contrasts demonstrated a significant effect; seven were related to race, one was related to gender, and one was related to socioeconomic status. Racial bias in predicting MAP reading comprehension performance from spring DIBELS ORF was found. Differential prediction among gender and SES groups was not consistent indicating little to no practical significance. Results are discussed in the context of practical implications of differential validity, both predictive and concurrent, and potential impact on disproportionality.
ContributorsAdkins, Jill (Author) / Caterino, Linda C. (Thesis advisor) / Atkinson, Robert (Committee member) / Nakagawa, Kathryn (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2013
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Description

In the wake of both the end of court-ordered school desegregation and the growing popularity of accountability as a mechanism to maximize student achievement, the authors explore the association between racial segregation and the percentage of students passing high-stakes tests in Florida's schools. Results suggest that segregation matters in predicting

In the wake of both the end of court-ordered school desegregation and the growing popularity of accountability as a mechanism to maximize student achievement, the authors explore the association between racial segregation and the percentage of students passing high-stakes tests in Florida's schools. Results suggest that segregation matters in predicting school-level performance on the Florida Comprehensive Assessment Test after control for other known and purported predictors of standardized test performance. Also, these results suggest that neither recent efforts by the state of Florida to equalize the funding of education nor current efforts involving high-stakes testing will close the Black-White achievement gap without consideration of the racial distribution of students across schools.

ContributorsBorman, Kathryn M. (Author) / Eitle, Tamela (Author) / Michael, Deanna L., 1961- (Author) / Eitle, David J. (Author) / Lee, Reginald (Author) / Johnson, Larry (Author) / Cobb-Roberts, Deirdre (Author) / Dorn, Sherman (Author) / Shircliffe, Barbara J. (Author) / Arizona State University. College of Education (Contributor)
Created2004
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The recent battle reported from Washington about proposed national testing program does not tell the most important political story about high stakes tests. Politically popular school accountability systems in many states already revolve around statistical results of testing with high-stakes environments. The future of high stakes tests thus does not

The recent battle reported from Washington about proposed national testing program does not tell the most important political story about high stakes tests. Politically popular school accountability systems in many states already revolve around statistical results of testing with high-stakes environments. The future of high stakes tests thus does not depend on what happens on Capitol Hill. Rather, the existence of tests depends largely on the political culture of published test results. Most critics of high-stakes testing do not talk about that culture, however. They typically focus on the practice legacy of testing, the ways in which testing creates perverse incentives against good teaching.

More important may be the political legacy, or how testing defines legitimate discussion about school politics. The consequence of statistical accountability systems will be the narrowing of purpose for schools, impatience with reform, and the continuing erosion of political support for publicly funded schools. Dissent from the high-stakes accountability regime that has developed around standardized testing, including proposals for professionalism and performance assessment, commonly fails to consider these political legacies. Alternatives to standardized testing which do not also connect schooling with the public at large will not be politically viable.

Created1998