Methods: Mexican-born women (n=57, 41±7 years) residing in the U.S. for more than 1 year self-reported food security status, monthly fast-food frequency, and their perception of fruit, vegetables, and low-fat product availability within their neighborhood via survey. Diet was assessed using the Southwest Food Frequency Questionnaire to estimate intake of fruit, vegetables, salty snacks, sugar, and healthy eating index (HEI)-2015 score. Bivariate correlations assessed the relationships between study variables. Independent samples t-tests compared dietary outcomes between women classified as food secure (n=41; high or marginal food security) and food insecure (n=16; low or very low food security). A moderation analysis assessed the effect of the perception of the neighborhood food environment on the relationship between food security and HEI-2015 score.
Results: Fifty four percent of participants worked full time and 42% had a monthly household income <$2,000. Time residing in the U.S. was 20±9 years. Relative to women classified as food secure, participants experiencing food insecurity had lower HEI-2015 (61±8 vs. 66±6; p=0.03). Albeit not significantly different, women experiencing food insecurity reported lower intake of fruit (236±178 vs. 294±239 g), vegetables (303±188 vs. 331±199 g), and salty snacks (6±5 vs. 8±10 g), as well as higher intake of sugar (99±55 vs. 96±56 g) and fast food (2.5±2.5 vs. 1.8±1.7 times per month); p>0.05 for all. Among women experiencing food insecurity, there was a trend for a lower perception of neighborhood fruit, vegetable and low-fat product availability being associated with lower HEI-2015 scores (54±6) relative to those who perceived moderate (63±6) or high (65±8) neighborhood availability of those foods (p=0.07).
Conclusions: HEI-2015 scores were associated with participants’ food security status. Findings suggest a need for better understanding of how neighborhood food availability may affect diet quality among Mexican immigrant women experiencing food insecurity.
Methods. Latinx parents and their 6th-8th grade children were recruited from eligible middle schools in Maricopa County to participate in a larger intervention study. A sample of parent-youth dyads from the first cohort of the larger study was selected for cross-sectional analysis of baseline data in this study (n=124). Participants completed a survey requesting demographics, family meal habits, and dietary intake. Participants were asked to report annual income, education level, and number of family meals in the home in the past week. They were also asked to complete an Acculturation Rating Scale for Mexican Americans, a 6-item Household Food Security Questionnaire, and a 26-question Dietary Screener Questionnaire. Analyses were run using Spearman’s Rank Correlation test and a Chi Square test of Independence.
Results. Mean daily youth intake of FV was 2.7 ± 1.4 cup equivalents, and daily youth intake of sugars from SSBs was 8.6 ± 4.9 teaspoon equivalents per day. Fifty percent of parents reported 7 or more family meals per week, while 38.7% reported 3-6 family meals per week and 11.3% reported 2 or fewer family meals per week. There was no significant association between family meal frequency and youth FV (r=-0.154; p=0.256) or added sugar from SSBs (r=0.027; p=0.807) intake. Similarly, results from Chi Square analyses suggested there was no association between family meal frequency and parent income level (p=0.392), Mexican-oriented acculturation level (p=0.591), Anglo-oriented acculturation level (p=0.052) and food insecurity (p=0.754). In contrast, a significant association between parent education and family meal frequency was found (p=0.014).
Conclusions. Parent education may play a role in shaping family meal practices in Latinx families. More research is needed to further understand this relationship and the relationship between family meal habits and youth dietary intake.
This study aims to examine children’s fruit, vegetable, and added sugar consumption relative to the Dietary Guidelines for Americans and the American Heart Association’s recommendations, as well as to compare children’s reported consumption with parental perception of the child’s overall diet quality. Data were drawn from 2 independent, cross sectional panels (2009–10 and 2014–15) of the New Jersey Child Health Study. The analytical sample included 2229 households located in five New Jersey cities. Daily consumption of fruit (cups), vegetables (cups), and added sugars (teaspoons) for all children (3–18 years old) were based on parent reports. Multivariate linear regression analyses estimated children’s adjusted fruit, vegetable, and added sugar consumption across parents’ perception categories (Disagree; Somewhat Agree; and Strongly Agree that their child eats healthy). Although only a small proportion of children meet recommendations, the majority of parents strongly agreed that their child ate healthy. Nonetheless, significant differences, in the expected direction, were observed in vegetable and fruit consumption (but not sugar) across parental perceptional categories for most age/sex groups. Dietary interventions tailored to parents should include specific quantity and serving-size information for fruit and vegetable recommendations, based on their child’s age/sex, and highlight sources of added sugar and their sugar content.
Women with breast cancer often experience weight gain during and after treatment, significantly increasing risk for recurrence as well as all-cause mortality. Based on a growing body of evidence, meditative movement practices may be effective for weight management. First, we describe the effects of stress on factors associated with weight gain for breast cancer survivors. Then, a model is proposed that utilizes existing evidence to suggest how meditative movement supports behavioral, psychological, and neurohormonal changes that may explain weight loss. Application of the model suggests how a novel "mindful-body-wisdom" approach may work to help reduce weight for this at-risk group.
‘Healthy’ foods always seem like the best choice, but what does it really mean to be healthy? A ‘healthy diet’ can mean any number of things depending on who you ask and where you look. Media provides an endless sea of tips, tricks, and diets for ‘eating healthy’. Oxford defines health as a state of physical, mental, and social well-being with the absence of disease and infirmity; and healthy as indicative of, conducive to, or promoting good health1. It is easy to get caught up in the excitement of fad diets, but maintaining a healthy eating pattern can be quite simple when put into practice.