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This thesis studies the world governing body of soccer, the Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA), by investigating its recent controversial past as a world-leading international non-profit organization. Through examining the organization's beginnings as well as its growth into a nonprofit goliath, this thesis assesses FIFA's actions compared to both

This thesis studies the world governing body of soccer, the Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA), by investigating its recent controversial past as a world-leading international non-profit organization. Through examining the organization's beginnings as well as its growth into a nonprofit goliath, this thesis assesses FIFA's actions compared to both the relatively relaxed legal standards in its home country of Switzerland as well as an established set of moral guidelines to analyze the organization's validity in today's complicated global environment. Topics include concerns surrounding FIFA's vast financial reserves, the organization's development programs, its treatment of minorities, and its efforts to prevent organizational transparency that may lead to legitimacy questions in the near future. In the end, assessments of FIFA's validity conclude that the organization falls somewhere between being completely credible and definitively fraudulent, as its actions seemingly are satisfactory legally according to Swiss laws and regulations on paper but questionable morally.
ContributorsJacobe, Joseph John (Author) / Thomas, George (Thesis director) / Kittilson, Miki (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / Economics Program in CLAS (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / School of Historical, Philosophical and Religious Studies (Contributor)
Created2015-05
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This thesis comparatively examines the percentage of women who have been appointed to federal level Cabinet positions in the United States and Canada between 1980 and 2010. The thesis will first explain the differences in the nation's democratic systems -- presidential and parliamentarian -- to contextualize how each nation elects

This thesis comparatively examines the percentage of women who have been appointed to federal level Cabinet positions in the United States and Canada between 1980 and 2010. The thesis will first explain the differences in the nation's democratic systems -- presidential and parliamentarian -- to contextualize how each nation elects federal representatives coupled with their process of appointing individuals to Cabinet positions per administration. Then the thesis will briefly explain the basis of the political parties that have been active in each country alongside their prominent ideals, in an effort to understand the impact it has had on the number of women elected to federal positions. Finally, the research will focus on the number of women appointed to Cabinet to demonstrate how an increase in the amount of political parties, creates more competition between political parties, in turn allowing for a higher number of women to be elected as well as appointed to federal positions. In conclusion, the research suggests that liberal party's push forth more women to federal level positions in both countries. Coupled with the fact that the increase in the amount of office holding parties increases competition between parties and increases the number of women appointed to Cabinet.
ContributorsOkula, Victoria (Author) / Shair-Rosenfield, Sarah (Thesis director) / Kittilson, Miki (Committee member) / Department of English (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2018-12
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This study aims to understand stereotypes, misconceptions, and generalizations about government employees and their jobs. The study specifically looked at the City of Prescott and involved an online survey sent to City of Prescott employees concerning stereotypes, generalizations, and misconceptions about the employees and their jobs. The questions were also

This study aims to understand stereotypes, misconceptions, and generalizations about government employees and their jobs. The study specifically looked at the City of Prescott and involved an online survey sent to City of Prescott employees concerning stereotypes, generalizations, and misconceptions about the employees and their jobs. The questions were also designed to ask the employees about the accurateness of the stereotypes, misconceptions, and generalizations and if they affect the employees and how they feel about their employment. Researching stereotypes about City of Prescott employees and how the stereotypes make the employees feel about their jobs and employment can not only give insight into organizational morale and why people choose to work for a government entity, but it can also help to understand where stereotypes come from and how to combat them. The survey was sent to all City of Prescott employees, and 101 responses were received. Results show that an overwhelming majority of respondents are aware of stereotypes, misconceptions, and generalizations about them and their jobs. The respondents also identified specific stereotypes, misconceptions, and generalizations that they know of or have heard. However, for the most part they do not appear to negatively affect the employees. Additionally, the employees that participated do not generally perceive the stereotypes and generalizations to be very accurate in describing their jobs and responsibilities. The employees also identified some ways that their employer can combat generalizations and stereotypes. The findings from this study will be shared with the City of Prescott to help them understand stereotypes, misconceptions, and generalizations about their employees and jobs.
ContributorsScholl, Alexa Read (Author) / Kittilson, Miki (Thesis director) / Simhony, Avital (Committee member) / School of International Letters and Cultures (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2019-05
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The major fulcrum of this research is to determine why the Zimbabwean law enforcement and judiciary system have struggled to overcome domestic violence (DV) in spite of numerous legal intervention structures and a fairly strong legal capacity compared to neighboring countries, as well as immense efforts from non-governmental organizations (NGOs)

The major fulcrum of this research is to determine why the Zimbabwean law enforcement and judiciary system have struggled to overcome domestic violence (DV) in spite of numerous legal intervention structures and a fairly strong legal capacity compared to neighboring countries, as well as immense efforts from non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to eradicate this form of violence. The research employs a novel approach by including an examination of the extent, influence and role of customary law (also known as traditional law) in the continued prevalence of DV among women in Zimbabwe. The study utilized qualitative methodologies in the form of structured interviews and quantitative methodologies through questionnaires. Fifteen women victims of domestic violence were identified using the snowball sampling technique. The research concluded that customary law is not the sole contributor of the high prevalence of domestic violence in Zimbabwe. Instead, I established that individual and community ways of thinking as well as attitudes acquired from customary law are the ones that condition men to perpetrate DV, influence women to remain silent about the abuse they face as well as accustom society to condone this form of violence.
ContributorsMarekera, Shantel (Author) / Durfee, Alesha (Thesis director) / Kittilson, Miki (Committee member) / School of Social Transformation (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2018-05
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In this paper I conduct a comparative analysis of how proportional representation electoral systems could affect the political representation of racial and ethnic minorities if adopted in America. In order to do this I first discuss the central ideas of proportional representation in conjunction with a historical and contemporary view

In this paper I conduct a comparative analysis of how proportional representation electoral systems could affect the political representation of racial and ethnic minorities if adopted in America. In order to do this I first discuss the central ideas of proportional representation in conjunction with a historical and contemporary view of the American electoral system. Using this discussion as a basic framework I enter a more in depth discussion about the pros and cons of PR systems, especially in so far as party lists, district magnitude, and links between constituent and representative. To better contextualize the American electoral system I then use case studies featuring New Zealand, Bulgaria, the Netherlands, and Germany. These case studies discuss important aspects of each country's electoral system and how they have affected ethnic and racial minorities within those countries. Each case study concludes with an assessment of how a similar system might work if adopted in America which aims to inform a broader discussion about electoral reform. Finally I conclude with a discussion of my findings that recognizes how proportional representation systems open new pathways for minority representation, while still urging caution in viewing those systems as a straightforward solution to the chronic underrepresentation of America's ethnic and racial minorities in politics.
ContributorsNeu, David (Author) / Kittilson, Miki (Thesis director) / Simhony, Avital (Committee member) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2018-05
Description
Over time, our American society has been fixated on trying to achieve demographic representation in political realms among all three branches. The recent excitement of progress in terms of slightly more equal gender representation in the United States Congress, with almost one-quarter of the total body after the 2018 midterm

Over time, our American society has been fixated on trying to achieve demographic representation in political realms among all three branches. The recent excitement of progress in terms of slightly more equal gender representation in the United States Congress, with almost one-quarter of the total body after the 2018 midterm election consisting of women, was an element of motivation for this thesis. Throughout the thesis, the Literature Review and Theory section presents background as to the importance of representation in general provided by well-respected political scientists’ work. It follows with a section on Women’s Impact on the Political Sphere, and discusses quality candidates in regards to common characteristics political scientists, particularly Peverill Squire, claim are crucial to political success. As the interest for the thesis arose from President Trump’s victory in 2016, as public opinion buoyed an outsider into the most prestigious elected office, my ultimate research question deals with the profile of the winning candidate of first-time members to the House of Representatives in the past ten years and whether Trump’s election may be indicative of the changing type and quality of qualified candidates who are winning Congressional seats recently. It is crucial for both the political parties and society to be aware of the type and common qualifications of political candidates running and ultimately winning in recent years. With a coding metric, similar to Squire’s, research was conducted by coding first-time elected House members’ backgrounds provided by CSPAN over the past ten years, 110th-116th Congressional sessions. The intent was hoping to show how the type of quality candidate is evolving over time. This was demonstrated by determining whether political candidates’ highest level of education, occupation before Congress, and highest level of prior political experience was really that crucial to their success or considered by voters as not as important in terms of being a qualified, winnable candidate when measuring against age, gender, and party affiliation. There were many notable results in regards to overall trends and incredible differences between males and females between each variable measured just within the past ten years. While there is a noticeable increase in those winning with zero prior political experience this past midterm election, and although President Trump’s election was not analyzed as a potential cause of the rise in success of those without prior office experience, my hypothesize was correct in that there could be a correlation drawn as to Trump’s influence upon the change in this country’s thoughts towards candidates. Among other noticeable results, this thesis finds that despite extensive preceding political science research on quality candidates, prior office experience may not be considered as relevant anymore to voters in terms of considering a quality candidate, and the prior “on paper” qualifications in order to be successful may be evolving in today’s politics, most especially for first-time members in the House of Representatives.
ContributorsMaggio, Brigette Teresa (Author) / Herrera, Richard (Thesis director) / Kittilson, Miki (Committee member) / Dean, W.P. Carey School of Business (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor, Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2019-05
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The German Chancellor, Angela Merkel, faced the unfathomable difficulty of navigating the Eurozone crisis of 2010-2017. The Eurozone crisis was the economic devastation from Greece’s financial depression, which led to the refugee humanitarian crisis (Elliot, 2018). During this time, the Syrian war took place, which contributed to the refugee crisis

The German Chancellor, Angela Merkel, faced the unfathomable difficulty of navigating the Eurozone crisis of 2010-2017. The Eurozone crisis was the economic devastation from Greece’s financial depression, which led to the refugee humanitarian crisis (Elliot, 2018). During this time, the Syrian war took place, which contributed to the refugee crisis as people sought asylum from the war. Although the German Chancellor has undergone severe scrutiny for her decisions, she stood by her choices to enact an open-door policy that would allow asylum seekers to gain access to Germany and offer aid during a time of a humanitarian crisis. Not only was she honoring the Spirit of Europe through her open-door policy, she was also acting as a strategic economist by using the influx of refugees to supply skilled labor to the German workforce, growing the nation’s GDP and using Eurobonds as a means of policy coordination (De Grauwe, 2010).
Through studying Angela Merkel’s humanitarian and economic policies during 2010-2017, it is concluded that Angela Merkel did not simply enact the open-door policy because of her moral convictions as a member of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), but did so as a policy actor within a rational choice framework (Crozier 451; Downs 146). As a policy actor, Merkel established her preference to enact humanitarian policies that fell in line with her legal obligation, as an EU member, to honor the spirit of Europe and then was able to defensively adjust to the Eurozone’s economic crisis by strategically creating economic opportunities from the refugee influx. While neighboring countries and even her own people provided constant criticism and reproof, Merkel never wavered in her policies and convictions.
ContributorsTerrell, Shaylah Elyse (Author) / Kittilson, Miki (Thesis director) / Lennon, Tara (Committee member) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2020-05
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Impostor syndrome is a psychological experience where an individual doubts their own successes and achievements, even with supporting evidence of their legitimate skill. Although there is plenty of research on impostor syndrome in the workplace and post-graduate programs, there is less information on undergraduate students especially at an inclusive, large,

Impostor syndrome is a psychological experience where an individual doubts their own successes and achievements, even with supporting evidence of their legitimate skill. Although there is plenty of research on impostor syndrome in the workplace and post-graduate programs, there is less information on undergraduate students especially at an inclusive, large, public university. As a student at ASU, I have both experienced and seen others experience a feeling of intellectual phoniness in classes which can lead to insecurity and fear of humiliation. Especially in students who are different than their peers, interacting with faculty and other students can cause unnecessary stress because they see themselves as underqualified.
My research will aim to address what impostor syndrome looks like at ASU and which groups of students are affected by it most. Impostor syndrome can manifest in insecurities and behaviors that make collegiate success more difficult, such as less class participation or a hesitation to attend office hours. Professors can inadvertently add to the issue by creating a classroom culture that caters more towards the traditional, often white male, student in their major, especially in majors where the faculty demographics are not similar to the student demographics. I hope that bringing light to impostor syndrome at ASU can help professors understand why some students may participate less or perform differently. Also, I want to help students who do experience insecurity or feel different understand what impostor syndrome is and that they are not alone in their experiences.
In particular, this study can shine light on areas of study that have less diversity. Many studies have indicated that STEM majors are extremely less diverse than national averages. The National Science Foundation found that woman only made up 30% of engineering and computer science degrees and racial minorities were less than 15% of engineering, math, and physical science degrees in 2013 (NSF, 2014). While pre-college interest may play a part in lower enrollment among traditionally underrepresented students, I believe that STEM professors must also take responsibility for encouraging or discouraging all students to continue studying after taking their classes. The results of my survey may indicate that some demographics feel uncomfortable speaking in class or attending offices hours, which are behaviors professors can go out of their way to make less intimidating.
ContributorsLevine, Olivia (Author) / Kittilson, Miki (Thesis director) / Simhony, Avital (Committee member) / Department of Supply Chain Management (Contributor) / Department of Marketing (Contributor) / School of Mathematical and Statistical Sciences (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2020-05