Matching Items (1,216)
Description
What does it mean to speak of governance in the absence of states? This dissertation seeks to answer this question through an empirical examination of the founding of two unique agricultural settlements constructed by the Jewish community of Palestine, also known as the Yishuv: the kibbutz and the moshav. Commonly, in order to be considered effective, states must, at minimum, provide their population with two critical public goods: the satisfaction of their material needs and their physical protection through a military or police force. Dominant assumptions across multiple subfields of both Comparative Politics and International Relations content that because weak and failed states cannot provide their civilian populations with these critical public goods, that governance in the absence of effective, sovereign, and territorial states is a myth. It is often argued that violence, anarchy, and human suffering inevitably follow in the wake of state collapse and that in order to alleviate these problems, state building practices must focus on creating a fully sovereign state that has a monopoly on the legitimate use of violence within its borders. This dissertation questions these assumptions. Through quantitative analysis of an original dataset constructed from Israeli archival sources as well as a qualitative historical examination of declassified Israeli archival material from 1920-1948, this dissertation demonstrates that it is possible for non-state actors to construct institutions of governance within the context of a weak or failing state. The Jewish community, through its organs of governance, utilized the kibbutzim and the moshavim to provide the all important public goods of military defense and economic growth respectively. It is shown in this dissertation how political institutions can be crafted endogenously within weak and failing states and how these institutions may actually serve to increase political stability, staving off anarchy and violence.
ContributorsMuchlinski, David (Author) / Warner, Carolyn (Thesis advisor) / Siroky, David (Committee member) / Hechter, Michael (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2013
Description
Why do religious organizations facilitate secular political activism in some settings and not others? This dissertation uses regional variation in political activism across Mexico to elucidate the relationship between religious organizations and political activism, as measured through associational activity and involvement in political protests. I utilize a quantitative analysis of 13,500 data observations collected from the nationally representative National Survey of Political Culture and Citizenship (ENCUP), supplemented by municipal and diocesan-level data from a variety of governmental and Church statistical databases, to test several theories describing religion's potential impact on political activism. I also utilize a qualitative comparative analysis examining the relationship between the Catholic Church and political mobilization in the Mexican States of Chiapas, Morelos, and Yucatán. I present an agent-based model developed to delineate the micro-level mechanisms linking Church institutional configurations and religion's pro-social effects to individual incentives to politically organize. The predictions of the agent-based model are assessed against my statistical dataset. The study finds where religious institutions devolve decision-making, monitoring, and sanctioning authority to the laity, individuals develop capacities to overcome collective action problems related to political activism. Religious ideology is also found to influence capacities for political activism.
ContributorsHale, Chris (Christopher) (Author) / Warner, Carolyn (Thesis advisor) / Hechter, Michael (Committee member) / Siroky, David (Committee member) / Hinojosa, Magda (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2013
Description
Political and economic competition, so goes the broad argument, reduce corruption because competition increases the cost of actors to engage in corrupt practices. It increases the risk of exposure, provides non-corrupt alternatives for consumers, and introduces non-corrupt practices into the political and economic domains. Why then, has corruption persisted in the Central Eastern European countries decades after the introduction of political and economic competition in the early 1990s?
This dissertation asks how and why the emergence of competition in the political and economic domains leads to a transformation of the patterns of corruption. I define corruption as an act involving a public official who violates the norms or regulations of their office, receives some compensation in return, and thus harms the public interest.
I argue that under conditions of a communist past and high levels of uncertainty, the simultaneous emergence of political and economic competition transforms the opportunity structures of actors to engage in corruption. The resulting constellation of powerful incentives for and weak constraints against corruption encourages political and economic actors to enter into corrupt state-business relationships. Finally, the resource distribution between the actors in the corrupt state-business relationship determines the type of corruption that emerges—legal corruption, local capture, or covert political financing.
To test the causal mechanism, I employ intensive process-tracing of the micro-causal mechanisms of eleven corruption cases in Poland and Hungary. Using paired comparisons of cases from the same business sector but at different points in time, the dissertation examines how corruption patterns transformed over time in Poland and Hungary.
The dissertation shows that the emergence of political and economic competition changes the opportunity structures of actors in favor of corruption. Moreover, the new constellation of incentives and constraints encourages political and economic actors to establish corrupt state-business relationships. Crucially, I find that the resource distribution within these corrupt relationships determines the type of corruption emerges—local capture where both sides have concentrated resources that balance each other out, legal corruption when a strong economic actor confronts a fragmented political actor, and covert political financing when a weak economic actor faces a strong political actor.
This dissertation asks how and why the emergence of competition in the political and economic domains leads to a transformation of the patterns of corruption. I define corruption as an act involving a public official who violates the norms or regulations of their office, receives some compensation in return, and thus harms the public interest.
I argue that under conditions of a communist past and high levels of uncertainty, the simultaneous emergence of political and economic competition transforms the opportunity structures of actors to engage in corruption. The resulting constellation of powerful incentives for and weak constraints against corruption encourages political and economic actors to enter into corrupt state-business relationships. Finally, the resource distribution between the actors in the corrupt state-business relationship determines the type of corruption that emerges—legal corruption, local capture, or covert political financing.
To test the causal mechanism, I employ intensive process-tracing of the micro-causal mechanisms of eleven corruption cases in Poland and Hungary. Using paired comparisons of cases from the same business sector but at different points in time, the dissertation examines how corruption patterns transformed over time in Poland and Hungary.
The dissertation shows that the emergence of political and economic competition changes the opportunity structures of actors in favor of corruption. Moreover, the new constellation of incentives and constraints encourages political and economic actors to establish corrupt state-business relationships. Crucially, I find that the resource distribution within these corrupt relationships determines the type of corruption emerges—local capture where both sides have concentrated resources that balance each other out, legal corruption when a strong economic actor confronts a fragmented political actor, and covert political financing when a weak economic actor faces a strong political actor.
ContributorsKartner, Jennifer Joan (Author) / Warner, Carolyn (Thesis advisor) / Thies, Cameron (Committee member) / Von Hagen, Mark (Committee member) / Berliner, Daniel (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2018
Description
This work explores the underlying dynamics of democracies in the context of underdevelopment, arguing that when society has not attained a substantial degree of economic independence from the state, it undermines democratic quality and stability. Economic underdevelopment and political oppression are mutually reinforcing, and both are rooted in the structure of the agriculture sector, the distribution of land, and the rural societies that emerge around this order. These systems produce persistent power imbalances that militate toward their continuance, encourage dependency, and foster the development of neopatrimonialism and corruption in the government, thereby weakening key pillars of democracy such as accountability and representativeness. Through historical analysis of a single case study, this dissertation demonstrates that while this is partly a result of actor choices at key points in time, it is highly influenced by structural constraints embedded in earlier time periods. I find that Ghana’s historical development from the colonial era to present day closely follows this trajectory.
ContributorsEllis, Alicia N (Author) / Thies, Cameron (Thesis advisor) / Warner, Carolyn (Committee member) / Thomson, Henry (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2019
Description
Television is currently in a changing state. There is no longer a singular broadcast format for series to follow. Streaming websites such as Netflix, Hulu, and Amazon Prime now release series in their entirety; this is known as a full-season release (FSR). Viewers are now able to act independently and determine the pace they wish to watch a new FSR series. This not only affects how fans engage in social television discussions on social media, but also changes the previously proposed viewer engagement model. Whereas previous research suggests that fans follow a static linear engagement model consisting of pre-communication, parallel communication, and post communication phases, fans are now able to move freely through viewer engagement phases. This creates a new type of engagement model: The Atomized Engagement Model. As fans move freely through the atomized engagement phases, they choose social media platforms to engage in fandom discussion. Research suggests that although there are distinct types of posts that occur in relation to social television discussions, the platforms used have a direct effect on the content and length of the post.
ContributorsPouls, Samantha Rae (Author) / Gilpin, Dawn (Thesis director) / Barrett, Marianne (Committee member) / Walter Cronkite School of Journalism and Mass Communication (Contributor) / School of Community Resources and Development (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2018-05
Description
This paper looks at the growth of influencer marketing in application and how it has shifted the relationship between brands and consumers. Barriers to enter the space and methods of practice are discussed and analyzed to project the accessibility of obtaining influencer status. Best practices for brands and influencers are outlined based on research, and key findings are analyzed from interviewed participants that play an active role in the field. Another component of the paper includes the discussion of the significance of platform dependence regarding influencers and brands using social media channels to reach consumers. The dynamic of the relationship that exists between consumers, brands and platforms is demonstrated through a model to demonstrate the interdependence of the relationship. The final component of the paper involves the exploration of the field as an active participant through an experiment that was conducted by the researcher on behalf of the question: can anyone be an influencer? The answer to this question is explored through personal accounts on the journey during an eight month process of testing content creation and promotion to build awareness and increase engagement. The barriers to enter the space as an influencer and to collaborate with brands is addressed through the process of testing tactics and strategies on social channels, along with travel expeditions across Arizona to contribute to content creation purposed into blog articles. The findings throughout the paper are conclusive that the value of influencer marketing is increasing as more brands validate and utilize this method in their marketing efforts.
ContributorsDavis, Natalie Marie (Author) / Giles, Bret (Thesis director) / Schlacter, John (Committee member) / Department of Information Systems (Contributor) / Department of Marketing (Contributor) / Walter Cronkite School of Journalism and Mass Communication (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2018-05
Description
As the U.S. reckons with the reality of sexual assault and harassment in the wake of the #MeToo movement, it is particularly important to consider sexual assault in the military, an institution that is a massive employer and the face of the U.S. abroad. Media coverage is a catalyst for change, and the nature and scope of coverage is indicative of public and political attitudes. This thesis uses both quantitative and qualitative data to analyze characteristics of military sexual assault cases that complicate media coverage and to identify strengths and weaknesses of the media's approach to such stories. On the quantitative side, it takes advantage of nearly 600 case reports of sexual assault from U.S. military bases in Japan that were categorized to identify themes such as disposition outcomes, alcohol involvement and victim participation in investigations. Qualitatively, this thesis includes interviews with military officials, victims' advocates, journalists and other stakeholders that help to create a more holistic understanding of how media cover military sexual assault. Notably, this thesis finds that a lack of public interest in the military, a lack of congruency between military and civilian systems, and a highly complex hierarchy that limits journalists' access to military sources and data all complicate coverage. Drawing from these conclusions, it recommends that the media avoid episodic reporting, focus on personalizing stories in an institutional context, embrace accountability journalism and dedicate resources to pursuing complex investigations. It also acknowledges the important role of non-traditional media in the future of information sharing on the topic of military sexual assault.
ContributorsArmstrong, Mia Anne (Author) / Warner, Carolyn (Thesis director) / Gilger, Kristin (Committee member) / Walter Cronkite School of Journalism and Mass Communication (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2018-05
Description
South Korea possesses the only culture to successfully create a transnationality and hybridity formula that is not replicable. So why Korea and why now? The goal of this thesis creative project is to demonstrate the marketing and communications strategies used in the arts and culture industry to drive global awareness and interest in K-Pop. In order to achieve that goal, I created HellotoHallyu.com, a website designed for an audience of Millennials and Generation Z English speakers to increase their awareness of the growth and impact of the Korean Wave in a fun and engaging way. So those who may hear a song by K-Pop idol group BTS on a music awards show in the U.S. can get themselves up-to-speed before diving into the fast-paced world of K-culture gossip sites and forums. Hello to Hallyu delivers consumer-friendly, educational content easily understood by English speakers with no prior knowledge of Korean culture, while still piquing the interest of K-pop connoisseurs. It provides the background necessary for even the most dedicated fans to glean new knowledge of Korea's cultural industry and a new perspective on the content they consume. Hello to Hallyu is based on a combination of secondary and primary research conducted over four semesters beginning Spring 2017 and continuing through Spring 2018. This project is set up as an ever-expanding resource freely available to anyone with internet access. The research required to maintain the site will continue with the Wave. However, the content currently on the site is evergreen, a documentation of the history of the Wave as explained in peer-reviewed articles and by Dr. Ingyu Oh as well as a documentation of my personal experience with Hallyu while in Korea and as a Westerner living in the U.S. The site's goal is to demonstrate the marketing and communications strategies used in the industry to drive global awareness and interest. Through this means, Hello to Hallyu aims to provide fully developed multimedia content intended to increase English speakers' awareness of the growth and impact of the Korean Wave as shown through site visits, content views, and audience engagement.
ContributorsTravis, Lisa Anne (Author) / Hass, Mark (Thesis director) / Shewell, Justin (Committee member) / Walter Cronkite School of Journalism and Mass Communication (Contributor) / School of Film, Dance and Theatre (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2018-05
Description
This thesis is a creative project involving video from all four years of my schooling at Arizona State University and the Walter Cronkite School of Journalism and Mass Communication. Entering the Cronkite School for the first time, I did not possess any knowledge about computer video editing software or any on-camera experience. The video pieces are various clips of some of my best work during my time at ASU, including reports on various sports/sporting events for Cronkite News and the Walter Cronkite Sports Network (WCSN). The project combines some of my best on-camera work, video editing skills, and even some new additions such as music under-beds to the pseudo-documentary. Overall, it demonstrates progression from a lack of knowledge about the basics of sports journalism to being cognizant about the multiple facets of the industry. While working on this thesis project, I quickly realized I needed to put all of my skills and knowledge to the test, as I had to incorporate many elements into a long video. For an introduction and closing, I needed to create a script that captured a chronological progression of the journey without detracting from the main focus: the reel. A huge thank you to both my thesis director and my second committee member for their assistance in helping me turn this idea into a reality. I took a chance when committing to Arizona State, but after four years in the desert, I can say with full confidence this was the absolute best choice I could have made.
ContributorsBaron, Michael (Author) / Dieffenbach, Paola (Thesis director) / Rhodes, Gail (Committee member) / Walter Cronkite School of Journalism and Mass Communication (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2018-05
Description
President Donald Trump announced his candidacy in June 2015, and the America immediately knew that he was an unorthodox candidate. Early on in his campaign, Trump isolated groups of people and treated them as enemies, but none so consistently as the news media. What began as criticism of "fake news," turned into calling the news media "the opposition party." However, media professionals agree that when the Trump administration called the news media the "enemy of the American people" \u2014 a line had been crossed. In the last two years Trump has denied simple fact and credible journalism countless times. His avid use of social media allows his messages to reach millions of people in moments - which had the potential to be a positive thing. However, Twitter is often where Trump turns to dispute the media, science, fact or anything else that "opposes" him. If Americans cannot believe the news media, cannot believe science, and cannot believe established fact, what can they believe? Allowing one man, in this case, Trump, to become the beacon of truth is dangerous and destructive to democracy. The news media must do their best to recapture the trust and faith of the American people by producing good, honest journalism. Seasoned journalism professionals say that his attacks on the media are likely a facade, just another way to appeal to his base, but that those attacks have the potential to wreak havoc in American society. Regardless of Trump's intentions, the toxicity between him and news media could have consequences that reach far beyond his presidency.
ContributorsPenningroth, Kendra Rene (Author) / Crane, Steve (Thesis director) / Downie, Leonard (Committee member) / Walter Cronkite School of Journalism and Mass Communication (Contributor) / School of Criminology and Criminal Justice (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2017-12