Matching Items (40)

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"After Papa Died": A Mexican-American Autobiography Annotated and Edited by Shea Van Slyke

Description

Zoraida Ladrón de Guevarra was born in 1936 in Coyula, Mexico, a small village in the state of Oaxaca. Her father’s passing required Zoraida to find a job at age fourteen to support her family. Her story, a 200-page memoir

Zoraida Ladrón de Guevarra was born in 1936 in Coyula, Mexico, a small village in the state of Oaxaca. Her father’s passing required Zoraida to find a job at age fourteen to support her family. Her story, a 200-page memoir entitled “After Papa Died,” follows Zoraida’s time as a servant and eventual nanny in Veracruz. Flashing back to memories of her hometown and the people living in it, the story ends before she enters America first as a visitor in 1954, and later on a working Visa in 1957—the first woman in her village to leave to the United States. Hers is a story relevant today, evident with the paradoxes explored between poverty and riches, patriarchy and matriarchy, freedom and captivity. Assimilation impacts the reading of this memoir, as Zoraida began writing the memoir in her 80s (around fifty years after gaining American citizenship). This detailed family history is about the nature of memory, community, and in particular, the experience of being an immigrant. This thesis project centers on this text and includes three components: an edited memoir, informational interviews, and an introduction. Beginning as a diary steeped in the tradition of oral history, the memoir required a “translation” into a written form; chapters and chronological continuity helped with organization. Topics of interest from the story, such as identity, domestic violence, and religion, are further explored in a series of interviews with Zoraida. The inclusion of an introduction to the text contextualizes the stories documented in the memoir with supplemental information. The contents of the project are housed on a website: alongwaybabyproject.net.

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Date Created
2018-05

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Water and Worry: Disasters in Queretaro, Mexico

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Research has been conducted analyzing factors that affect mental health in regions that suffer from water insecurity and water scarcity. Amber Wutich and Alexandra Brewis (2019) explain the effects that water scarcity has on mental health and how chronic worry

Research has been conducted analyzing factors that affect mental health in regions that suffer from water insecurity and water scarcity. Amber Wutich and Alexandra Brewis (2019) explain the effects that water scarcity has on mental health and how chronic worry can trigger depression, stress, anxiety and in extreme cases this can lead to suicidal thoughts. Bina Agarwal (2000) analyzes gender roles in relation to water insecurity where women express more signs of anxiety and worry due to the limited options they have when seeking water outside their household. There are limited studies done on water insecurity at a household level which limit an understanding of possible coping mechanisms along with additional factors that affect mental health. In this study, surveys are conducted in the city of San Juan Del Rio, Queretaro in Mexico where residents have been affected by massive flooding’s. Additionally, residents in Mexico not only suffer from water scarcity but also from poor water infrastructure, constant water outages, shortages, and contaminated water supply. Respondents answers (n=23) regarding the amount of worry, household size, being head of household, and gender was used to conduct paired sample statistical tests where associations were determined. Associations relating to the amount of worry resulted in the idea that residents in San Juan Del Rio because they consistently struggle with water shortages, have developed a coping strategy to deal with water outages and therefore, show fewer signs of worry when faced with a household water situation. In consideration, surveys conducted in surrounding towns and in a rural setting can provide additional information regarding how poverty is related to mental health and water scarcity along with a deeper understanding of possible coping strategies at a household level.

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Date Created
2019-05

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Bridging the Rural-Urban Divide: Addressing Barriers to Health Services in the Rural USA and Mexico

Description

Due to unique barriers to access and quality of healthcare, rural Americans have, among many other poorer health outcomes, a worsening life expectancy than their urban counterparts: 76.8 years compared to 78.8 years. In addition to overall mortality, the burden

Due to unique barriers to access and quality of healthcare, rural Americans have, among many other poorer health outcomes, a worsening life expectancy than their urban counterparts: 76.8 years compared to 78.8 years. In addition to overall mortality, the burden of disease is greater in rural areas, as well as rates of physical injury. There are many intersecting influencing factors including, but not limited to, barriers to access needed healthcare, issues regarding the quality of healthcare provided, the ability to pay for healthcare and other socioeconomic considerations are both causes and consequences of poor health and healthcare access.
The health disparities between rural and urban communities in the United States are not uniquely American. This rural-urban divide in health outcomes is present across the world and, closer to home, across North America. In addition to reviewing the current literature surrounding barriers to health and healthcare access in the United States, we will also use southern neighbor Mexico’s history and their pursuit of rural equity (universally and in health/healthcare access) to contrast initiatives that the U.S. has attempted, with the intent of exploring new theories of rural healthcare provision. By combining the history of social medicine in Mexico with literature on barriers to healthcare access, I hope to highlight areas of innovation and improvement in the American health care delivery system.
The purpose of this paper is to review the current literature regarding health disparities among rural Americans, possible causes of such disparities and current strategies to improve health, healthcare access and healthcare quality in rural America in order to recommend the most effective, practical solutions to improve rural mortality, morbidity and quality of life.

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2019-05

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AMLO in the age of Trump: Why attacks on the press hurt the most in Mexico

Description

When President Andrés Manuel López Obrador was elected in 2018, I read news stories that claimed he was “Mexico’s Trump” for his anti-establishment rhetoric—and his attacks on the press. My goal with this project was to gain a better understanding

When President Andrés Manuel López Obrador was elected in 2018, I read news stories that claimed he was “Mexico’s Trump” for his anti-establishment rhetoric—and his attacks on the press. My goal with this project was to gain a better understanding of attacks on the press in Mexico and their impact.
For this thesis project, I went back to Mexico to speak with journalists and academics about the country’s political history, the history of its press, and what it is like to work as a reporter under the López Obrador administration.
This project uses qualitative interviews with Mexican and American reporters and academics in Mexico and the United States with firsthand experience reporting on Trump and AMLO and thorough knowledge on Mexican culture and history. It will attempt to explain how, even though attacks on the press are similar on both sides of the border, López Obrador’s attacks on the press in Mexico have a larger impact because of the Mexican press’ relatively young independence, influenced by a system of government censure and control over the media, as well as the lasting effects of the Mexican political system in the 20th century.

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Date Created
2019-12

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A War for Drugs, A War Against Womxn: Uncovering the Feminicidio Epidemic of Machista Cartels and Government

Description

Femicide, the purposeful killing of women because they are women, has become a systemic epidemic in Mexico much do in part to two machista actors over the past few decades. These two actors are drug trafficking organizations, better known as

Femicide, the purposeful killing of women because they are women, has become a systemic epidemic in Mexico much do in part to two machista actors over the past few decades. These two actors are drug trafficking organizations, better known as cartels, and the government of Mexico at all levels. The investigations by many non-governmental organizations, like Amnesty International, and those by international governmental organizations, like UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), have estimated that an average of 7 women are killed per day simply because of their gender, and the government has yet to take their urgent recommendations to enact true changing legislation. Meanwhile, the government continues to provide impunity for the murders, many times cartel members. Thus, while cartels are the perpetrators of violence against women and use their body counts as a weapon of war resulting in the majority of cases of femicide, the Mexican government are using their body counts as a tool for political repression and resorting to their machista culture. This thesis works to further provide evidence of this through investigating failed laws and programs set by the government and revealing links between machismo - intense hypermasculinity - and the reason by which these perpetrators of genocide continue to do so, especially in places like Ciudad Juarez. The paper ultimately explains that cartels and governments, use women's fear of being killed to make them solidify their power over them and the country of Mexico as a whole. Recommendations to end this genocide includes holding the government completely accountable for their blatant wrongdoings against women as a population, place more women in positions of governmental power, and ensuring that corrupt and self-interested officials do not get placed into office as well as ensuring that impunity is not seen as the absolute for killing, raping, or violating women at any level in Mexico.

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2017-05

De aquí, de allá, de las dos: Three Women's Language Learning Journeys from Mexico to Arizona

Description

The purpose of this study is to document and analyze three women's English language learning journeys after moving from various parts of Mexico to Phoenix, Arizona. The study explores the effects of English as a Second Language (ESL) education on

The purpose of this study is to document and analyze three women's English language learning journeys after moving from various parts of Mexico to Phoenix, Arizona. The study explores the effects of English as a Second Language (ESL) education on the social and cultural development of Mexican women students at Friendly House, whose mission is to "Empower Arizona communities through education and human services". The literature review section explores such topics as the complications and history of Mexican immigration to Phoenix and of state-funded ESL education in Phoenix. The consequent research study will entail a pair of interviews with the three beginner ESL students about their lives in Mexico compared to their lives in Phoenix, with a specific focus on aspects of their language acquisition and cultural adjustment to life in Arizona. Photos of and by the consultants add to their stories and lead to a discussion about the implications of their experiences for ESL teachers. By documenting the consultants' experiences, this study finds many gaps in ESL education in Phoenix. Suggestions about how ESL programs and teaching methods can be modified to fit student's needs form the basis for the conclusions.

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Date Created
2018-05

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Prenatal Care, Immigration and the Welfare State: A Comparative of the Hispaniola and US-Mexico Dynamics

Description

This thesis examines the problems that occur when the politics and practices of social services, specifically maternal and prenatal care, are guided by a distorted understanding of immigration. It compares the politics and practice of this care across two international

This thesis examines the problems that occur when the politics and practices of social services, specifically maternal and prenatal care, are guided by a distorted understanding of immigration. It compares the politics and practice of this care across two international borders: the U.S.-Mexico and that within Hispaniola. In an ideal world, care would be extended to all individuals regardless of citizenship. However, since every welfare state has its limits at the national border, citizenship matters to both federal governments and medical professionals. Government-provided resources play an integral role in the current immigration debate, as these programs are a collective investment in which all individuals contribute in order to sustain it. The United States developed the welfare state in order to provide necessary resources to those who could not afford it. Its creators did not view these services as a handout, rather as a support for the future workforce of the country. However, health care was and still is not provided on this model of economic and social citizenship. Current U.S. healthcare policy dictates that no one can be turned away in an emergency situation because someone cannot pay their medical bill, including undocumented immigrants. But for immigrant mothers carrying children across the border, maternal and prenatal care does not qualify as an emergency and the federal government aid typically does not extend to them them as citizens. When care is extended to undocumented immigrants in the United States at all, it typically is provided to the child through Medicaid, who is by dint of the Fourteenth Amendment considered a citizen after birth. The relation between the Dominican Republic and Haiti offers a more complex situation, as the idea of birthright citizenship has recently been revoked. Following the Haitian Earthquake in 2010, the only healthcare to which many Haitians had access was across the Hispaniola border. Haitian women who give birth to children in the Dominican Republic are often not evaluated by a doctor until they are entering the delivery process, and even then health-care is complicated by or denied because of racial prejudice and unclear legal situation. In September of 2013, the Constitutional Court of the Dominican Republic issues a new ruling which declared that any immigrant born between 1929 and 2010 without documentation of their own or of their ancestors does not have citizenship, rendering many Haitians born in the Dominican Republic essentially stateless. To be born to a non-citizen mother typically means the child will likely be born with little or no prenatal care, and the mother will receive poor or inadequate care. Prenatal care is one of the most inexpensive elements of a care-model that carries huge returns relative to its costs. All governments would benefit from improved access to maternal and prenatal care because its future citizens who receive such care would be born healthier and have fewer expensive chronic illnesses. Fewer chronic illness among a population would have huge returns on the welfare state because fewer people would be utilizing it for expensive medical treatments. Though most medical professionals condemn the extreme act of denying care to pregnant women or infants (documented or not), the Dominican Republic and the United States have a popular politics that embraces this cruelty, despite the fact that both pride themselves on a multi-ethnic population. It is easy for policymakers to incriminate undocumented immigrants and claim that they are responsible for an illegitimate share of the consumption of the country's resources. Therefore, it seems likely that the host country's perceptions of immigrant natality and maternity help construct a negative image of the immigration "problem" in such a way that laws and policies are designed without accurate rationale. This thesis examines how the United States and the Dominican Republic might improve the relationship between the culture of healthcare and the role of the legal system for immigrants and their children. It seeks to understand the reasons, motivations, and consequences for denying immigrants services on the account of their citizenship status. The social, economic, and health consequences of being an undocumented citizen will be examined. Current legal policy and what political roadblocks and cultural prejudices must be overcome in order to implement a successful policy will be reviewed. Finally, the best practices prenatal care as a national investment will be discussed, as will the problem of cross-cultural perception of natality, maternity, and immigration.

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Date Created
2016-05

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An analysis of how narcocorridos portray the political sociology of the Mexican Drug cartels in Mexican society

Description

Since the collapse of the Medellin Cartel in Colombia in 1993, the Mexican drug cartels have been increasing in strength and international presence. Along with the organization's political and economic involvement, a deeply rooted culture has been developing. Three distinct

Since the collapse of the Medellin Cartel in Colombia in 1993, the Mexican drug cartels have been increasing in strength and international presence. Along with the organization's political and economic involvement, a deeply rooted culture has been developing. Three distinct time periods define this culture: pre-Medellin Cartel collapse (1970s-1993), post-Medellin Cartel Collapse (1993-2006) and post-President Calderon's Drug War announcement (2006-present day). More specifically, the history and fascination with the cartel is documented in songs, known as narcocorridos, which celebrate and support the drug cartels. The science of political sociology addresses the power relationship that exists between a state, its citizens, and the state's social groups. This study investigates the political sociology of each period, specifically how society viewed the cartel and their roles within the cartel. I argue that the narcocorridos accurately describe the evolution of narcoculture in Mexican society. This study consists of analyses of narcocorrido song lyrics, the political sociology of each time period, and finally, the societal perception of the drug cartel. First, I will evaluate the most popular songs' lyrics of the three defining time periods in the Mexican Drug Cartel history. Next, I will analyze the lyrics and determine whether or not they accurately reflect the political sociological features of the time period. Last, I will discuss what the societal perceptions of being associated with the cartel were during each time period. This study concludes by hypothesizing what the future of narcocorriodos will be. This prediction will demonstrate how the songs will continue to reflect the political sociology of the time period, including the societal attitudes towards the cartel.

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Date Created
2016-05

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A Study of #YoSoy132's Social Media Use in Mexico

Description

Abstract This thesis analyses the use of new media by the student movement group #YoSoy132 during the Mexican general elections of 2012. It evaluates the development of the group before speculating on its long term viability and the dependency on the media.

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Date Created
2014-05

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Images of Nogales, Mexico: Effects of Immigration and Community Development

Description

Nogales, Mexico experiences a number of socio-economic challenges stemming from industrialization and immigration due to its location on the border. The purpose of the study is to investigate how border issues affect those who live in communities on the Mexican-American

Nogales, Mexico experiences a number of socio-economic challenges stemming from industrialization and immigration due to its location on the border. The purpose of the study is to investigate how border issues affect those who live in communities on the Mexican-American border and to find out how non-governmental organizations, such as Hogar de Esperanza y Paz (HEPAC), play a role in combating and repairing social and economic damages caused by transnational immigration and industrialization. This study will look at interviews with staff, volunteers, and participants of HEPAC to see commonalities in responses about the work of the organization and the social and economic reality of their community. The following commonalities were found from the interviews: 1) a desire for people visiting Tirabichi to have a transformative experience that shows the personal result of socio-economic problems, 2) a socio-economic linkage to the situation in Tirabichi, 3) Personal solutions to the problems in Tirabichi through fostering a feeling of community and through education, 4) Culture of Peace workshops needed to change the next generation, necessary because of acclimation to violence in the children's community, 5) an influence of migrants in the community.

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Date Created
2014-05