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- All Subjects: Germany
- Creators: Kittilson, Miki
Description
In this paper I conduct a comparative analysis of how proportional representation electoral systems could affect the political representation of racial and ethnic minorities if adopted in America. In order to do this I first discuss the central ideas of proportional representation in conjunction with a historical and contemporary view of the American electoral system. Using this discussion as a basic framework I enter a more in depth discussion about the pros and cons of PR systems, especially in so far as party lists, district magnitude, and links between constituent and representative. To better contextualize the American electoral system I then use case studies featuring New Zealand, Bulgaria, the Netherlands, and Germany. These case studies discuss important aspects of each country's electoral system and how they have affected ethnic and racial minorities within those countries. Each case study concludes with an assessment of how a similar system might work if adopted in America which aims to inform a broader discussion about electoral reform. Finally I conclude with a discussion of my findings that recognizes how proportional representation systems open new pathways for minority representation, while still urging caution in viewing those systems as a straightforward solution to the chronic underrepresentation of America's ethnic and racial minorities in politics.
ContributorsNeu, David (Author) / Kittilson, Miki (Thesis director) / Simhony, Avital (Committee member) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2018-05
Description
A growing body of literature has sought to explain the nature and effects of conflict-related sexualized violence. However, a critical problem that persists concerns why wartime rape varies both within and across conflicts. Political science literature mainly addresses these questions of variation in sexualized violence through group-level or structural explanations. Yet, clear patterns of combatant non-participation in conflict-related sexualized violence is apparent, even in cases where sexual violence is severe and pervasive. What allows one combatant to refrain, while another combatant, even within the same combat unit, perpetrates sexualized violence? In this dissertation, I argue that critical differences concerning attitudes, beliefs, and motivations exist between individual combatants. In light of these differences, I reintroduce the individual combatant onto the theoretical map as a critical unit of analysis and I explore the implications of gender inequality as an important and relevant factor related to sexualized violence in political conflict. Drawing on findings from social psychology, political psychology, sociology, and political science, the theory developed argues that combatants differentially internalize important norms related to gender that become particularly activated based on primarily externalized contextual influences. To test the theory, I conduct a mixed-method, sub-national comparative analysis of combatants and attitudes and beliefs associated with gender inequality during the Bosnian War (1992 – 1995). I rely on qualitative data generated from semi-structured, comprehensive interviews with psychologists, victim’s advocates, and legal experts managing sexual violence war crimes cases, and combat veterans directly associated with the Bosnian War (1992 – 1995) to assess differences at the individual-level of analysis. To additionally determine the broader effects of gender inequality, I employ an ordered probit regression analysis to ascertain the relationship between gender inequality related to institutional health and education factors and the severity of wartime rape. The combined results of these analyses demonstrate that individual differences between combatants better predicts the likelihood of a combatant to commit sexualized violence compared to structural or institutional accounts alone.
ContributorsWilliamson, Holly, Ph.D (Author) / Kittilson, Miki (Thesis advisor) / Lake, Milli (Committee member) / Wood, Reed (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2019
Description
The German Chancellor, Angela Merkel, faced the unfathomable difficulty of navigating the Eurozone crisis of 2010-2017. The Eurozone crisis was the economic devastation from Greece’s financial depression, which led to the refugee humanitarian crisis (Elliot, 2018). During this time, the Syrian war took place, which contributed to the refugee crisis as people sought asylum from the war. Although the German Chancellor has undergone severe scrutiny for her decisions, she stood by her choices to enact an open-door policy that would allow asylum seekers to gain access to Germany and offer aid during a time of a humanitarian crisis. Not only was she honoring the Spirit of Europe through her open-door policy, she was also acting as a strategic economist by using the influx of refugees to supply skilled labor to the German workforce, growing the nation’s GDP and using Eurobonds as a means of policy coordination (De Grauwe, 2010).
Through studying Angela Merkel’s humanitarian and economic policies during 2010-2017, it is concluded that Angela Merkel did not simply enact the open-door policy because of her moral convictions as a member of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), but did so as a policy actor within a rational choice framework (Crozier 451; Downs 146). As a policy actor, Merkel established her preference to enact humanitarian policies that fell in line with her legal obligation, as an EU member, to honor the spirit of Europe and then was able to defensively adjust to the Eurozone’s economic crisis by strategically creating economic opportunities from the refugee influx. While neighboring countries and even her own people provided constant criticism and reproof, Merkel never wavered in her policies and convictions.
Through studying Angela Merkel’s humanitarian and economic policies during 2010-2017, it is concluded that Angela Merkel did not simply enact the open-door policy because of her moral convictions as a member of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), but did so as a policy actor within a rational choice framework (Crozier 451; Downs 146). As a policy actor, Merkel established her preference to enact humanitarian policies that fell in line with her legal obligation, as an EU member, to honor the spirit of Europe and then was able to defensively adjust to the Eurozone’s economic crisis by strategically creating economic opportunities from the refugee influx. While neighboring countries and even her own people provided constant criticism and reproof, Merkel never wavered in her policies and convictions.
ContributorsTerrell, Shaylah Elyse (Author) / Kittilson, Miki (Thesis director) / Lennon, Tara (Committee member) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2020-05