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This paper will focus on the changes in China's OFDI while also explaining its growth. However, another primary focus will be comparing the relationships between China, Hong Kong, and Africa. This paper will show the correlating changes between the three regions and explain the distribution of China's investments. One argument

This paper will focus on the changes in China's OFDI while also explaining its growth. However, another primary focus will be comparing the relationships between China, Hong Kong, and Africa. This paper will show the correlating changes between the three regions and explain the distribution of China's investments. One argument is that Hong Kong may play a large role in facilitating Chinese investment into Africa, which if not disaggregated, could lead to inaccurate numbers of China's FDI into Africa. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the importance of China's relationship with Hong Kong and Africa. In 2012, Garth Shelton argued that Hong Kong was an important gateway in South Africa's trade with China. Since then, many others have made similar claims in support of Hong Kong's bigger role. However, due to the difficulty of finding specific data for each region, these analyses are incomplete and fail to clearly substantiate their theory. I will try to find a correlation by gathering my own data, tables, and through different interviews.
ContributorsSon, James (Author) / Simonson, Mark (Thesis director) / Iheduru, Okechukwu (Committee member) / Economics Program in CLAS (Contributor) / Department of Finance (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2018-05
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Within sixty years, the People’s Republic of China has risen from a struggling post-civil war state to the second largest economy in the world, comprising of 16.71 percent of the global economy as of 2015. While China has grown, its presence internationally has grown as well—China has utilized its

Within sixty years, the People’s Republic of China has risen from a struggling post-civil war state to the second largest economy in the world, comprising of 16.71 percent of the global economy as of 2015. While China has grown, its presence internationally has grown as well—China has utilized its capital to foment important relationships and foster soft power dynamics, making billions available in development aid and investment projects across the globe, most notably in Africa and Latin America, where Chinese goods have begun to dominate the markets there as they have in American counterparts. However, within Latin America China has been investing in countries that are traditionally seen as “risky” financial investments. This paper hypothesizes that the returns on Chinese investments in Latin America are not financial, but political—that China is investing in expansion of its soft-power and legitimizing its beginnings of global hegemony. The paper also explores the success of these initiatives by comparing the level of Chinese investment to changes in Latin American foreign policy alignment, discourse, and agreements through utilizing case studies of Venezuela and Bolivia.
ContributorsHochhaus, Natalie (Co-author) / Yan, Jaylia (Co-author) / Thomson, Henry (Thesis director) / Ripley, Charles (Committee member) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / Department of Economics (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2018-05
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This paper examines the Syrian Civil War using seven different civil war settlement theories in order to assess the likelihood of a negotiated settlement ending the conflict. The costs of war, balance of power, domestic political institutions, ethnic identity, divisibility of stakes, veto player, and credible commitment theories were used

This paper examines the Syrian Civil War using seven different civil war settlement theories in order to assess the likelihood of a negotiated settlement ending the conflict. The costs of war, balance of power, domestic political institutions, ethnic identity, divisibility of stakes, veto player, and credible commitment theories were used in a multi-perspective analysis of the Syrian Civil War and the possibility of a peace settlement. It was found that all of the theories except for costs of war and balance of power predict that a negotiated settlement is unlikely to resolve the conflict. Although the Syrian government and the Syrian National Coalition are currently engaged in diplomatic negotiations through the Geneva II conference, both sides are unwilling to compromise on the underlying grievances driving the conflict. This paper ultimately highlights some of the problems inhibiting a negotiated settlement in the Syrian Civil War. These obstacles include: rival ethno-religious identities of combatants, lack of democratic institutions in Syria, indivisibility of stakes in which combatants are fighting for, number of veto player combatant groups active in Syria, and the lack of a credible third party to monitor and enforce a peace settlement.
ContributorsRidout, Scott Jeffries (Author) / Grossman, Gary (Thesis director) / Siroky, David (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / Economics Program in CLAS (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor)
Created2014-05
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This paper examines how China was able to influence modernization in Southeast Asia during the time period of 1980-1995. Following thirty years of isolation, China opened itself up to foreign investments in an effort to modernize the country. Comparing the inflows and outflows of investment between China, Hong Kong, Singapore,

This paper examines how China was able to influence modernization in Southeast Asia during the time period of 1980-1995. Following thirty years of isolation, China opened itself up to foreign investments in an effort to modernize the country. Comparing the inflows and outflows of investment between China, Hong Kong, Singapore, Malaysia, and the Philippines, the impact on industries can be seen. China opening itself up to the world served as a catalyst for the region and helped lead to development and modernization in each country examined.
ContributorsVan Streain, Taylor Andrew (Author) / Mendez, Jose (Thesis director) / Rush, James (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / Department of Economics (Contributor) / W. P. Carey School of Business (Contributor) / School of Social and Behavioral Sciences (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor)
Created2014-05
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This piece highlights the Trump administration's history of diplomatic relations with states in East Asia (specifically North Korea (DPRK), South Korea (ROK), Japan, and China). The research in this essay primarily focuses on Trump's public attitudes towards these states during his presidential campaign, and seeks to establish if any negative

This piece highlights the Trump administration's history of diplomatic relations with states in East Asia (specifically North Korea (DPRK), South Korea (ROK), Japan, and China). The research in this essay primarily focuses on Trump's public attitudes towards these states during his presidential campaign, and seeks to establish if any negative statements towards East Asian states have affected social and diplomatic relations after Trump's inauguration. Overall, residents of Japan and South Korea had an overwhelmingly negative view of Trump during his campaign, primarily due to cultural differences and dissatisfaction with Trump's blunt, unpredictable demeanor which clashes with Japanese and Korean social norms. While public opinion of Trump was still low in mainland China, Trump's attitude is reminiscent of Mao Zedong's Cultural Revolution which serves as the societal and governmental framework of the modern People's Republic of China. Therefore, individuals living in China were more likely to be attracted to Trump's personality \u2014 this evident through the popularity of Trump "fan clubs" which gained popularity on Chinese social media websites during the American presidential campaign period. In terms of the bilateral relations between the U.S. and each East Asian state, Donald Trump's negative statements towards China, Japan, and South Korea during his campaign did not significantly impact diplomatic relations during his presidency. While Trump is vocally opposed to certain initiatives that are supported by these heads of state, he has demonstrated a willingness to discuss issues with these leaders. While this openness is not completely evident in U.S. \u2014 Southeast Asian relations, the leaders of Northeast Asia have set aside Trump's controversial campaign statements and have reciprocated his willingness to discuss important issues.
ContributorsGarvey, Lauren Agnes (Author) / Simon, Sheldon (Thesis director) / Ripley, Charles (Committee member) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / School of Public Affairs (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2018-05
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The Chinese tourism market has become the largest tourism market in the world and continues to show promise in its future development. Global destinations such as Southeast Asia, France and now Australia have begun to see a major boom in Chinese tourists within the past decade due to less restrictive

The Chinese tourism market has become the largest tourism market in the world and continues to show promise in its future development. Global destinations such as Southeast Asia, France and now Australia have begun to see a major boom in Chinese tourists within the past decade due to less restrictive travel policies, a growing economy and higher disposable income rates within urban centers in China. Australia has become the top destination among Chinese citizens that wish to travel due to its coastal and beach attractions, unique wildlife, and general welcoming attitude toward Chinese citizens. As the market continues to grow, the characteristics and demographics change as well. The Chinese government did not allow for international travel until the early 1990s. During this time, package tours offered by government-regulated travel agencies were the prominent method of travel planning with travelers over the age of 35 making up the majority of travelers. However, in the past decade there has been a shift from group travel toward independent travel due to higher income and more independence among young adults. There remains a stigma against Chinese tourists due to behavioral and cultural challenges Chinese tourists face when traveling abroad, but as Chinese travelers begin to travel in smaller groups and have greater exposure to international cultures, these negative stereotypes will start to disappear. This paper focuses on the impact the Chinese tourism market has on Cairns, Australia. Cairns is characterized by its backpacking culture, easy access to environmental attractions and a high number of annual travelers from Asia and China specifically. The paper uses qualitative research and compiles information from news sources, government documents and statistical data regarding Chinese outbound tourism and its impacts on Australian tourism. There is also a case study composed of personal observations of a nature park in North Queensland which uses specific marketing and attraction coordination to appeal to Chinese tourists. This case study analyzes the tactics used by local destinations that cater to group travel over independent travel and points out the benefits of this type of specialized tourism. The research concludes by arguing the trend toward independent travel is beneficial to the Cairns tourism industry rather than harmful as long as the industry recognizes the new trends in Chinese tourism and does not focus on the previous trends of group travel when appealing to Chinese tourists. Instead, the industry should continue to focus on the backpacking culture and work toward catering to the demands of millennial travelers.
Created2016-12
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A Foreigner's Guide to China, a creative project, is a short novel that blends cultural analysis and linguistic study in a collective investigation of modern China. As China grows at an unprecedented pace, many Americans still remain ignorant of life and development in a foreign place on the other side

A Foreigner's Guide to China, a creative project, is a short novel that blends cultural analysis and linguistic study in a collective investigation of modern China. As China grows at an unprecedented pace, many Americans still remain ignorant of life and development in a foreign place on the other side of the world. The project is an attempt to help mesh cultural lines and aid students, travelers, and businesspeople travelling to China for the first time. Therefore, the main goal of the entire project is to provide an actual guidebook that can be read prior to going to China or while in the country. The project is divided into two main types of chapters: cultural analysis and advice giving on day to day life in China, and linguistic study that adopts a more academic approach. Both types of chapters use my personal anecdotes to give both context and a sense of reality to the advice I include in the project. While very different in their styles, the two types of chapters ultimately work towards the same end: explaining differences and similarities between Chinese and American cultures, and giving a cultural opening from which to expand understanding. The novel is written in a lighthearted and humorous tone that attempts to soften the often seemingly offensive overtone that appears when analyzing cultures side by side. Topics include landing advice, transportation, cuisine, working life, and school life, as well as Mandarin Chinese tones, politeness, and dialects. Overall, the project has a more cultural outlook with a heavier focus on those sections.
ContributorsDaliere, Andrew John (Author) / Oh, Young (Thesis director) / Lyon, Mich (Committee member) / W. P. Carey School of Business (Contributor) / School of International Letters and Cultures (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2015-12
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The rise of China over the last two decades has left the United States switching its focus from other areas of the world to the ever growing presence and influence coming from Asia in the spectrum of world politics. Many countries in Eastern Asia are being forced to choose determine

The rise of China over the last two decades has left the United States switching its focus from other areas of the world to the ever growing presence and influence coming from Asia in the spectrum of world politics. Many countries in Eastern Asia are being forced to choose determine whether they want to strengthen their alliances with China, their most important economic partner, or the United States, which for most of these countries, has been their most impactful political partner. Japan has been put in the scenario of having incredibly strong ties with the United States, especially militarily, and having a long history of conflict with China, but needing to recognize the importance of China as a rising power. Simultaneously, Japan is working to increase their own global influence to match their economic strength. With the recent development in the change of Japan's constitutional self-defense and diversion from their traditional pacifist nature since adopting their constitution in 1947, the rest of the world is waiting to see what changes will be coming from Japan regarding military policy. The foreign policies that are in the relatively early development of shaping up between Japan, China and the United States that are heavily influenced by the current United States military presence in Japan and the Asian region, will have a significant impact on the global political system in the coming years.
ContributorsBorer, Marisa Kathryn (Author) / Moore, Aaron (Thesis director) / Simon, Sheldon (Committee member) / Economics Program in CLAS (Contributor) / W. P. Carey School of Business (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2016-05
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As China is using its Belt and Road Initiative to solidify strategic partnerships, which China is consciously forming with the intention of engineering shifts in the regional balance of power, it strengthens its hegemony and therefore raises the significance of the BRI and CPEC as an instrument to position itself

As China is using its Belt and Road Initiative to solidify strategic partnerships, which China is consciously forming with the intention of engineering shifts in the regional balance of power, it strengthens its hegemony and therefore raises the significance of the BRI and CPEC as an instrument to position itself as an emerging global power. I will explore this thesis statement by using the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor as a case study.

ContributorsKhwaja, Aaliyah (Author) / Iheduru, Okechukwu (Thesis director) / Haines, Chad (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / Historical, Philosophical & Religious Studies, Sch (Contributor)
Created2022-05
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The North Korean refugee crisis is a long-standing political issue that has persisted since the Korean War, resulting in thousands of North Koreans fleeing each year. However, despite its persistent nature, both the Chinese government and the international community have failed to alleviate systematic migratory issues resulting from Chinese policy

The North Korean refugee crisis is a long-standing political issue that has persisted since the Korean War, resulting in thousands of North Koreans fleeing each year. However, despite its persistent nature, both the Chinese government and the international community have failed to alleviate systematic migratory issues resulting from Chinese policy towards the refugees. This essay aims to analyze Chinese policy towards the North Korean refugee crisis, specifically through its categorization of North Koreans as “economic migrants” rather than refugees. After reviewing both the conditions within North Korea that cause refugee flight and the pathways of escape through China, the paper shows that China is violating multiple parts of international refugee law as set up by the 1951 Refugee Convention, such as issues of non-refoulement and discrimination. Additionally, I argue that North Koreans are refugees in the traditional definition and refugees sur place. Similarly, this paper discusses the historical and political reasoning for Chinese policy towards refugees in the context of its economic and security relationship with the North Korean state, as well as the implications of the relationships for North Korean refugees. From this, the resilient nature of the crisis is established, as well as the notable security obstacles that must be navigated and incorporated in any feasible solutions. Finally, this paper proposes possible solutions to the crisis, such as moving away from “defector” terminology, linking international policy to refugee outcomes, structuring refugee law around global burden-sharing rather than regional prioritizations, and expanding the definition of refugee to more accurately reflect causes of displacement in Asia.
ContributorsDepp, Oren (Co-author, Co-author) / DeLargy, Pamela (Thesis director) / Suk, Mina (Committee member) / Historical, Philosophical & Religious Studies (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2020-05