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DescriptionAbstract This thesis analyses the use of new media by the student movement group #YoSoy132 during the Mexican general elections of 2012. It evaluates the development of the group before speculating on its long term viability and the dependency on the media.
Created2014-05
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Description
Nogales, Mexico experiences a number of socio-economic challenges stemming from industrialization and immigration due to its location on the border. The purpose of the study is to investigate how border issues affect those who live in communities on the Mexican-American border and to find out how non-governmental organizations, such as

Nogales, Mexico experiences a number of socio-economic challenges stemming from industrialization and immigration due to its location on the border. The purpose of the study is to investigate how border issues affect those who live in communities on the Mexican-American border and to find out how non-governmental organizations, such as Hogar de Esperanza y Paz (HEPAC), play a role in combating and repairing social and economic damages caused by transnational immigration and industrialization. This study will look at interviews with staff, volunteers, and participants of HEPAC to see commonalities in responses about the work of the organization and the social and economic reality of their community. The following commonalities were found from the interviews: 1) a desire for people visiting Tirabichi to have a transformative experience that shows the personal result of socio-economic problems, 2) a socio-economic linkage to the situation in Tirabichi, 3) Personal solutions to the problems in Tirabichi through fostering a feeling of community and through education, 4) Culture of Peace workshops needed to change the next generation, necessary because of acclimation to violence in the children's community, 5) an influence of migrants in the community.
ContributorsDavison, Patrice Marie McDaniel (Author) / King, Carmen (Thesis director) / Lafford, Barbara (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / School of International Letters and Cultures (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / School of Social Transformation (Contributor)
Created2014-05
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Description
The drug wars in Mexico have claimed the lives, either directly or indirectly, of over 34,000 Mexican citizens since 2006. With such turmoil, the Mexican government has taken some desperate measures to contain the spread of violence. This includes what would be considered a distinct violation of the separation of

The drug wars in Mexico have claimed the lives, either directly or indirectly, of over 34,000 Mexican citizens since 2006. With such turmoil, the Mexican government has taken some desperate measures to contain the spread of violence. This includes what would be considered a distinct violation of the separation of church and state. A relatively obscure folk saint, La Santa Muerte, or "Saint Death," has gained international notoriety with the escalation in violence. With an image that has darker connotations than many mainstream Catholic saints, La Santa Muerte has become a source of contention in Mexico, both with the government and the Catholic oligarchy. This project focuses on analyzing the historical roots of Santa Muerte, her unique development and symbolic nature within the Mexican culture, the struggle between devotees and the Mexican government/Catholic Church, and her extension onto the global stage. In focusing on a relatively new area of academic study, this project will contribute to further research on similar topics.
ContributorsImpecoven, Claire Elizabeth (Author) / Sarat, Leah (Thesis director) / Puleo, Thomas (Committee member) / Sivak, Henry (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / School of Historical, Philosophical and Religious Studies (Contributor)
Created2013-05
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Description
Since the collapse of the Medellin Cartel in Colombia in 1993, the Mexican drug cartels have been increasing in strength and international presence. Along with the organization's political and economic involvement, a deeply rooted culture has been developing. Three distinct time periods define this culture: pre-Medellin Cartel collapse (1970s-1993), post-Medellin

Since the collapse of the Medellin Cartel in Colombia in 1993, the Mexican drug cartels have been increasing in strength and international presence. Along with the organization's political and economic involvement, a deeply rooted culture has been developing. Three distinct time periods define this culture: pre-Medellin Cartel collapse (1970s-1993), post-Medellin Cartel Collapse (1993-2006) and post-President Calderon's Drug War announcement (2006-present day). More specifically, the history and fascination with the cartel is documented in songs, known as narcocorridos, which celebrate and support the drug cartels. The science of political sociology addresses the power relationship that exists between a state, its citizens, and the state's social groups. This study investigates the political sociology of each period, specifically how society viewed the cartel and their roles within the cartel. I argue that the narcocorridos accurately describe the evolution of narcoculture in Mexican society. This study consists of analyses of narcocorrido song lyrics, the political sociology of each time period, and finally, the societal perception of the drug cartel. First, I will evaluate the most popular songs' lyrics of the three defining time periods in the Mexican Drug Cartel history. Next, I will analyze the lyrics and determine whether or not they accurately reflect the political sociological features of the time period. Last, I will discuss what the societal perceptions of being associated with the cartel were during each time period. This study concludes by hypothesizing what the future of narcocorriodos will be. This prediction will demonstrate how the songs will continue to reflect the political sociology of the time period, including the societal attitudes towards the cartel.
ContributorsRichardson, Katherine Ann (Author) / Rothenberg, Daniel (Thesis director) / Canales, Carlos (Committee member) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / Department of Psychology (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2016-05
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Description
Over the past decade, the United States and the European Union have adopted major changes to asylum policy and enforcement, specifically the increase of deterrence policies contrary to international asylum norms. The goal of this has been to reduce the pull factors towards the US and EU. Deterrence policies have

Over the past decade, the United States and the European Union have adopted major changes to asylum policy and enforcement, specifically the increase of deterrence policies contrary to international asylum norms. The goal of this has been to reduce the pull factors towards the US and EU. Deterrence policies have largely been characterized by two main strategies: (1) deterrence at the border through stricter regulations and detention policies, and (2) deterrence through the creation of formal buffer zone countries between the asylum seekers’ countries of origin and the ultimate country of destination. These policies have been instituted in response to the spike in Central American asylum seekers at the US/Mexico border and Syrian asylum seekers at the Greece/Turkey border at the entrance of the EU. This paper compares these two separate geographic areas––the US and EU––due to their roles in the development of international law, their roles in the development and management of these crises, and the similar increase of asylum seekers in 2014-15. This paper also details the severity of the conditions in the asylee-sending areas––Central America and Syria––which are major “push factors” driving the crises. Finally, this paper explores the novel use of Mexico and Turkey as formal buffer zones by the United Staes and the European Union, respectively. The increase of deterrence policies culminating in the creation of formal buffer zones countries violates key principles of international asylum law, namely non-refoulement. These buffer zones must be redesigned proactively to better suit the realities of asylum in the 21st century.
ContributorsDooling, Maria Hana (Author) / Sivak, Henry (Thesis director) / Calleros, Charles (Committee member) / School of Molecular Sciences (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor, Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2019-05