Matching Items (3)
Description
The page program at the state legislature has played an integral role in the daily operations of the legislative branch since the state's founding. This paper examines the demographics of the page program from statehood to now, the experiences that make the page program unique, and the outcomes it creates

The page program at the state legislature has played an integral role in the daily operations of the legislative branch since the state's founding. This paper examines the demographics of the page program from statehood to now, the experiences that make the page program unique, and the outcomes it creates for public servants' careers. Additionally, a media component is included to observe the visual changes that the program has undergone in the last five decades. Participants include a handful of former pages from as far back as 1971 who sat for interviews regarding their time served as a page and are still public servants today. Beyond interviews, legislative journals, photos, and policies were referenced for research purposes. These former pages shared their experiences as a page and how it has helped them where they are in their career now. Furthermore, the paper explores the gender demographics from the turn of the century through 2012 of both page programs and legislators. It is evident that Arizona is a pioneer in women's representation in both the page staff and members, especially the page program. From this research into the various experiences as a page in the legislature it is clear that the program is an incredible networking opportunity unmatched by other entry-level jobs in government and that the passion it fuels will live on in public servants throughout their career. Moreover, without the page program the state legislature would not operate as smoothly and lack tradition in an environment that is ever-changing.
ContributorsGroves, Madison (Author) / Bowie, Sean (Thesis director) / Drake, Jim (Committee member) / School of Public Affairs (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2018-12
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Description
My thesis offers original research is in its direct analysis of the IRS conflict of interest regulations and their applicability to STOs, its discussion of my experience setting up an STO, and my interviews of State Legislators as a primary source. The primary goals of my investigation are to 1.

My thesis offers original research is in its direct analysis of the IRS conflict of interest regulations and their applicability to STOs, its discussion of my experience setting up an STO, and my interviews of State Legislators as a primary source. The primary goals of my investigation are to 1. Determine the regulations and standards that exist to prevent conflicts of interest in the operation of Arizona STOs. 2. Examine instances of alleged conflicts of interest encountered by STO operators. 3. Discuss the ethical implications of STO operator actions in situations of conflicts of interest. And 4. Propose legislative solutions to remove any and all conflicts of interest. From my examination of financial records and from my interviews with other state legislators, I have concluded that Arizona Christina School Tuition Organization is violating IRS regulations by operating with an objective of conferring on its director a private benefit. The STO I helped form, ------------- STO will need to carefully document its expenses and contracts to justify its overhead margin or else risk running afoul of the same IRS regulations. Even if an STO like ------------- STO, is allowed by Arizona law to have an overhead margin of 10%, those expenses must be justified, particularly if they confer a private benefit to restricted persons. Ultimately, even if an STO deliberately flouts IRS regulations regarding private benefits realized by "disqualified" persons, it is highly unlikely that the STO will face IRS scrutiny. Therefore, there exist sufficient federal regulatory safeguards to prevent financial conflicts of interest among Arizona STO board members, but such regulations are not sufficiently enforced to prevent those conflicts of interest.
ContributorsGunther, Nicholas (Author) / Koretz, Lora (Thesis director) / Bonfiglio, Thomas (Committee member) / Sandra Day O'Connor College of Law (Contributor) / W.P. Carey School of Business (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2018-05
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Description
Campaign finance regulation has drastically changed since the founding of the Republic. Originally, few laws regulated how much could be contributed to political campaigns and who could make contributions. One by one, Congress passed laws to limit the possibility of corruption, for example by banning the solicitation of federal workers

Campaign finance regulation has drastically changed since the founding of the Republic. Originally, few laws regulated how much could be contributed to political campaigns and who could make contributions. One by one, Congress passed laws to limit the possibility of corruption, for example by banning the solicitation of federal workers and banning contributions from corporations. As the United States moved into the 20th Century, regulations became more robust with more accountability. The modern structure of campaign finance regulation was established in the 1970's with legislation like the Federal Election Campaign Act and with Supreme Court rulings like in Buckley v. Valeo. Since then, the Court has moved increasingly to strike down campaign finance laws they see as limiting to First Amendment free speech. However, Arizona is one of a handful of states that established a system of publicly financed campaigns at the state-wide and legislative level. Passed in 1998, Proposition 200 attempted to limit the influence of money politics. For my research I hypothesized that a public financing system like the Arizona Citizens Clean Elections Commission (CCEC) would lead to Democrats running with public funds more than Republicans, women running clean more than men, and rural candidates running clean more than urban ones, and that Democrats, women, and rural candidates would win in higher proportions than than if they ran a traditional campaign. After compiling data from the CCEC and the National Institute on Money in State Politics, I found that Democrats do run with public funds in statistically higher proportions than Republicans, but when they do they lose in higher proportions than Democrats who run traditionally. Female candidates only ran at a statistically higher proportion from 2002 to 2008, after which the difference was not statistically significant. For all year ranges women who ran with public money lost in higher proportions than women who ran traditionally. Similarly, rural candidates only ran at a statistically higher proportion from 2002 to 2008. However, they only lost at higher proportions from 2002 to 2008 instead of the whole range like with women and Democratic candidates.
ContributorsMarshall, Austin Tyler (Author) / Herrera, Richard (Thesis director) / Jones, Ruth (Committee member) / Economics Program in CLAS (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2016-12