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This study looks to answer whether or not citizens have reason to believe the publicity statements from state government officials when speaking about gun-control laws during the time surrounding mass shootings. Citizens in America see the same, consistent pattern that politicians use mass shootings for, known as "The Shooting Cycle."

This study looks to answer whether or not citizens have reason to believe the publicity statements from state government officials when speaking about gun-control laws during the time surrounding mass shootings. Citizens in America see the same, consistent pattern that politicians use mass shootings for, known as "The Shooting Cycle." Here, we will research whether or not these politicians are continuing to keep the same voting pattern that they have had in the past, in terms of gun control. This case study uses quantitative research to discover that almost all state representative and senators have consistent voting patterns when it comes to gun control legislation, regardless of time distances around mass shootings. We will then seek out seek out public statements and relevant periodicals and media clips in order to determine whether or not these voting patterns align with the public's perception of a politician's stance on gun control. It also uses qualitative research to discover that publicity from senators and representatives that support gun rights have more consistency in their public statements than those who are either inconsistent or consistently vote for gun control legislation. This study creates opportunities for new research in voting patterns and political transparency on state officials and the significant effects of mass shootings on public opinions and public statements from state officials.
ContributorsMoore, Travis David (Author) / Wu, Xu (Thesis director) / Wells, David (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / Walter Cronkite School of Journalism and Mass Communication (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor)
Created2015-05
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The Foundation for Individual Rights in Education (FIRE) is an organization dedicated to defending student and faculty freedom of speech rights on college campuses in the United States. Their work has brought national attention and debate around how unbiased the foundation truly is. This thesis discusses the relevant cases around

The Foundation for Individual Rights in Education (FIRE) is an organization dedicated to defending student and faculty freedom of speech rights on college campuses in the United States. Their work has brought national attention and debate around how unbiased the foundation truly is. This thesis discusses the relevant cases around the freedom of speech such as United States v. O'Brien and Matal v. Tam in order to develop an understanding of general free speech protection. Free speech cases specifically regarding school campuses were analyzed such as Tinker v. Des Moines, Bethel v. Fraser, and Rosenberger v. University of Virginia to show the limitations of what FIRE can fight on campuses. FIRE's case selection methods were analyzed, and a bias toward conservative cases was found. This bias is disputed by FIRE supporters as natural given the liberal nature of higher education, but data surrounding professors, disinvitation attempts, and student opinions invalidate these claims. Three FIRE cases (Roberts v. Haragan, Smith v. Tarrant County College District, and the Dixie State Incident) were analyzed to show the progression and style of the foundation through the years and how they developed their aggressive and bully reputation. Finally, current large incidents of free speech oppression were analyzed to understand how they skew and affect public perception of the overall struggle for freedom of speech on college campuses. This thesis found that FIRE is in fact biased and that their efforts to make positive change are undermined by this. Keywords: FIRE, free speech, First Amendment
ContributorsRamos-Mata, Joseph Wilfrido (Author) / von Delden, Jayn (Thesis director) / Fradella, Hank (Committee member) / School of Social Transformation (Contributor) / School of Public Affairs (Contributor) / School of Criminology and Criminal Justice (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2018-12
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Americans today face an age of information overload. With the evolution of Media 3.0, the internet, and the rise of Media 3.5—i.e., social media—relatively new communication technologies present pressing challenges for the First Amendment in American society. Twentieth century law defined freedom of expression, but in an information-limited world. By

Americans today face an age of information overload. With the evolution of Media 3.0, the internet, and the rise of Media 3.5—i.e., social media—relatively new communication technologies present pressing challenges for the First Amendment in American society. Twentieth century law defined freedom of expression, but in an information-limited world. By contrast, the twenty-first century is seeing the emergence of a world that is overloaded with information, largely shaped by an “unintentional press”—social media. Americans today rely on just a small concentration of private technology powerhouses exercising both economic and social influence over American society. This raises questions about censorship, access, and misinformation. While the First Amendment protects speech from government censorship only, First Amendment ideology is largely ingrained across American culture, including on social media. Technological advances arguably have made entry into the marketplace of ideas—a fundamental First Amendment doctrine—more accessible, but also more problematic for the average American, increasing his/her potential exposure to misinformation. <br/><br/>This thesis uses political and judicial frameworks to evaluate modern misinformation trends, social media platforms and current misinformation efforts, against the background of two misinformation accelerants in 2020, the COVID-19 pandemic and U.S. presidential election. Throughout history, times of hardship and intense fear have contributed to the shaping of First Amendment jurisprudence. Thus, this thesis looks at how fear can intensify the spread of misinformation and influence free speech values. Extensive research was conducted to provide the historical context behind relevant modern literature. This thesis then concludes with three solutions to misinformation that are supported by critical American free speech theory.

ContributorsCochrane, Kylie Marie (Author) / Russomanno, Joseph (Thesis director) / Roschke, Kristy (Committee member) / School of Public Affairs (Contributor) / Walter Cronkite School of Journalism and Mass Comm (Contributor, Contributor) / Watts College of Public Service & Community Solut (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2021-05
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An in depth look at the rhetoric behind the campus carry debate at the University of Texas at Austin. This thesis researched and examined primary sources from The Daily Texan and The Austin-American Statesman attempting to analyze what was at stake for both sides of the argument and what the

An in depth look at the rhetoric behind the campus carry debate at the University of Texas at Austin. This thesis researched and examined primary sources from The Daily Texan and The Austin-American Statesman attempting to analyze what was at stake for both sides of the argument and what the most effective rhetorical tool was.

ContributorsBlumstein, Cory Joshua (Author) / Young, Alexander (Thesis director) / O'Flaherty, Katherine (Committee member) / School of Criminology and Criminal Justice (Contributor) / School of Public Affairs (Contributor, Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2021-05
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Description
Normally, the United States and most of Europe are grouped into the same category as “Western countries”, yet their ideological differences have become larger in the last 50 years, especially in regards to free speech/expression protections. This raises the possibility that extremely broad free speech/expression protections aren’t intrinsic values of

Normally, the United States and most of Europe are grouped into the same category as “Western countries”, yet their ideological differences have become larger in the last 50 years, especially in regards to free speech/expression protections. This raises the possibility that extremely broad free speech/expression protections aren’t intrinsic values of a Western society, but are instead an American experiment that was gradually adopted by Western Europe. Analyzing historical documents from both Europe and the United States, this becomes much more of a probability than a possibility and would help explain the recent differences in case law regarding free speech rights in American and European jurisprudence. Furthermore, Europe is also experiencing a potential threat to social stability in the form of massive, sudden demographic shifts, something that America has not experienced on nearly the same scale. Due to the heightened sensitivity towards hateful expression resulting from such a demographic shift, governmental action in the form of restrictions on racially, religiously, and ethnically charged forms of expressions may be deemed necessary in order to preserve social cohesion. Often throughout history, governments have deemed it necessary to limit free expression/speech and the spread of information in order to prevent any threat to its ability to rule, regardless of whether or not said government is tyrannical or democratized. Although not a direct threat to power, in a representative democracy social unrest created by increased division in the populace rooted in the spread of hateful ideology is nonetheless still a threat to those who depend on social harmony in order to govern in a representative democracy. In analyzing these two possible reasons for emerging differences and considering supporting textual and historical evidence, it becomes much clearer as to what the differences in case law and fundamental beliefs regarding the extent of free speech protections are attributable to.
ContributorsMantz, Noah (Author) / Stanford, Michael (Thesis director) / Foy, Joseph (Committee member) / Department of Economics (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2019-05
Description
The "no compromise" gun rights movement, which advocates against any form of gun control and the absolute right to keep and bear arms, and white Christian nationalism, a cultural framework built on the belief that Christianity should serve as the foundation of the American government, have both recently come to

The "no compromise" gun rights movement, which advocates against any form of gun control and the absolute right to keep and bear arms, and white Christian nationalism, a cultural framework built on the belief that Christianity should serve as the foundation of the American government, have both recently come to the national political forefront. The connection between these two movements runs deep: white Christian nationalism informs the religious rhetoric of the "no compromise" movement. To understand why this is, the existing scholarship argues that white Christian nationalists advocate against gun control because they believe the Second Amendment is divinely inspired and that gun control does not address what they perceive to be a moral decline in the United States. However, these explanations are insufficient to fully grasp the inherent importance of guns and gun rights to white Christian nationalists. Therefore, I examine the specific roles that guns play in their worldview.
ContributorsMyers, Patrick (Author) / Young, Alexander (Thesis director) / Livingston, Lindsay (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / School of Accountancy (Contributor)
Created2023-12