Matching Items (22)
Description
The purpose of this thesis is to examine the background of sexual assault on college campuses and identify prevention methods utilized by both Arizona State University and other colleges in the United States. An analysis of these prevention methods have led to the formulation of three core components in the solution to the sexual assault epidemic on college campuses. Recommendations for ASU to combat a culture of sexual violence are provided based on this research along with rationale as to why they are the best methods to focus on.
ContributorsAshik, Chauhan (Co-author) / Johnson, Renee (Co-author) / Dove-Viebahn, Aviva (Thesis director) / McGibbney, Michelle (Committee member) / Department of Supply Chain Management (Contributor) / Department of Marketing (Contributor) / Department of English (Contributor) / W. P. Carey School of Business (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2017-05
Description
Sexual violence is a serious epidemic plaguing college campuses in the United States. At Arizona State University, students are expected to care for themselves, each other, and their community. To help foster this community of care, ASU provides various resources and educational programs to teach students, staff, and faculty about sexual violence and their role in its prevention. Students, staff, and faculty have the ability to manipulate their environment to discourage sexual violence and encourage a culture in which sexual violence is not tolerated. As a student programming coordinator for Arizona State's Sexual Violence Prevention and Education Program (SVPEP), I have worked in collaboration with SVPEP Staff, the Office of Fraternity and Sorority Life and the Panhellenic Council to develop the Sexual Violence Prevention and Leadership Development Program for Sorority Women (SSVLP). The SSVLP is a six week, comprehensive sexual violence prevention program that provides emerging leaders in the sorority community with the knowledge, skills, and confidence to facilitate change in the culture of violence by taking action in their own community. The following project is consists of an overview of the program, evidence that the program helps to change behaviors and attitudes, and a participant weekly workbook that program participants are required to bring with them to their session each week.
ContributorsMillner, Riley Paige (Author) / King, Kristy (Thesis director) / Frick, Kimberly (Committee member) / School of Social and Behavioral Sciences (Contributor) / College of Integrative Sciences and Arts (Contributor) / Department of Psychology (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2018-05
Description
Sexual violence is a serious issue, particularly on college campuses, and many sexual assaults among college students involve alcohol consumption. Universities have begun implementing sexual violence prevention programs on their campuses, but many do not examine their programs to determine if they are actually effective in increasing students' knowledge on consent and therefore reducing rates of sexual violence on their campuses. This study examines a sexual violence prevention program at Arizona State University called Consent 101, given by the ASU Wellness Department. This research seeks to determine if attending the presentation increases students' knowledge about the conditions of consent; specifically, if students are more likely to correctly answer a question regarding sobriety and consent after viewing the presentation. The hypothesis is that attending the Consent 101 presentation increases the likelihood that students will perceive that people must be sober in order to consent to sexual activities. A survey was used to test students' knowledge about consent and sexual violence, as well as their attitudes. Some students took the survey prior to attending the presentation while others took it after, allowing the groups to be compared to determine effectiveness. This study specifically focuses on whether students correctly choose true, incorrectly choose false, or choose don't know when given the statement "people must be sober in order to give valid consent to sex". There were 685 participants in the study. The "before" group contained 59% of the total participants, while the "after" group contained 41%. In the before group, 87.1% correctly answered true, 6.43% incorrectly answered false, and 6.18% answered don't know. In the after group, 85.71% answered true, 12.09% answered false, and 2.13% answered don't know. The results were significant and the hypothesis was not supported, meaning students were more likely to incorrectly answer the question after the presentation than before. There are multiple explanations for why this was found, including: different pre- and post-groups, misinterpreting the question and resistance to consent education. Ideas for future research and ways to increase effectiveness are provided.
ContributorsGuerra, Aleasa Marie (Author) / Fox, Kathleen (Thesis director) / Loftus, Rebecca (Committee member) / Sanford School of Social and Family Dynamics (Contributor) / School of Criminology and Criminal Justice (Contributor) / Department of Psychology (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2016-12
Description
For my honors thesis project in Barrett, the Honors College, I conducted an online college survey that measured student attitudes and perceptions with regard to gender, sexual assault, and domestic violence. In doing so, I also asked students situational questions about their experiences with sexual violence. The research question for the project centered around hidden victims who have been affected by gender-based violence but have yet to report the incident to law enforcement or university officials, despite a number of prominent educational and prevention campaigns on campus and in mainstream media. At the conclusion of the Spring 2016 semester, I received 683 responses from current students at Arizona State University. For the majority of situational questions, 20-30% of individuals answered "yes" to experiencing incidents of sexual violence, many of which focused on if someone had used alcohol/drugs, threats, or physical force to obtain sexual intercourse. For the survey, 11% of women said yes to the question, "have you ever been raped?" Additionally, a significant number of students hesitate to report incidents to law enforcement or university officials because: (1) they were ashamed or embarrassed, (2) wanted to forget it happened, and (3) believed it was a private matter that they wanted to deal with on their own. With this information, university administrators can develop a better understanding of the ASU campus culture as it relates to sexual violence. Additionally, organizational and institutional efforts can be organized and designed to meet the specific needs of our student body with the goal of ultimately reducing the number of sexual assaults that take place.
ContributorsBarney, Emily Marie (Author) / Wright, Kevin (Thesis director) / Spohn, Cassia (Committee member) / School of Public Affairs (Contributor) / School of Social Transformation (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2016-12
Description
Female survivors of intimate partner violence (IPV) are at increased risk for negative sexual health outcomes, such as susceptibility to HIV/AIDS, other sexually transmitted infections, unintended pregnancy, miscarriage, and cervical cancer. Despite this known risk, HIV risk reduction interventions are lacking in IPV content, and little is known about women’s protective sexual health behaviors in this context. The purpose of this dissertation is to gain a deeper understanding of women’s sexual health within the context of a violent intimate relationship. Data were collected through semi-structured, in-person interviews with women who had experienced IPV (N = 28). Service-seeking women were recruited from a domestic violence shelter and a domestic violence counseling program; non-service-seeking women were recruited through a statewide coalition against domestic violence and online advertisements. Interviews were audio-recorded, transcribed, and then analyzed in NVivo Qualitative Software (Version 10). Detailed process notes, analytic memos, peer debriefing, and the use of visual analytic displays were used to increase the trustworthiness of findings. Results are presented in chapters two, three, and four. Chapter two explores women’s experiences of sexual violence in IPV relationships. Women described how their intimate partners used a combination of sexual abuse, sexual coercion, and sexual assault as a unique weapon of power and control. Chapter three examines women’s sexual risks across the levels of their ecological environment using an intersectional feminist framework. Women’s sexual risks went beyond sexual violence and were influenced by subtle yet pervasive cultural gender norms that reduced their power in relation to their male sexual partners. Chapter four focuses on understanding women’s protective sexual health behaviors in order to inform the development of an intervention that follows women’s natural pathway to care as they heal from victimization to surviving to thriving.
ContributorsBagwell, Meredith (Author) / Messing, Jill T (Thesis advisor) / Marsiglia, Flavio F (Committee member) / Evans, Bronwynne C. (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2016
Description
The civil war in Syria has caused over one million Syrians to flee to bordering countries seeking protection. One of the major causes of this exodus is the reality and fear of sexual violence. Sexual violence against Syrian women is life altering because of the high value the culture places on virtue and modesty; a woman who is known to have been raped faces shame, possible disenfranchisement by her family, and is at high risk for suicide and in some extreme, but few cases, being murdered by a family member in an honor killing. However, once these refugees arrive they are still threatened not only with sexual violence, but also with sexual exploitation. Sexual violence is devastating to women and families. The international community must work to combat it by helping host countries to prevent the violence, assist victims, prosecute perpetrators, and create safe environments for female refugees. Human rights advocates should look within the philosophy of Islam to encourage gender equality ethics already present therein.
ContributorsJohnson, Michelle Anne (Author) / Larson, Elizabeth (Thesis director) / Wheeler, Jacqueline (Committee member) / Rothenberg, Daniel (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / Department of English (Contributor)
Created2013-05
Description
Sexual violence, as defined by the Rape, Abuse, Incest National Network (RAINN), is used as an all-encompassing term to include crimes of sexual assault, rape, and sexual abuse (RAINN, 2016). There are numerous negative impacts of sexual violence on a victim. Victims of sexual violence experience negative health impacts, such as physical injuries from the result of sexual violence and unwanted reproductive consequences, such as the risk of sexually transmitted infections or unwanted pregnancy (Shahali et. al, 2016). They also suffer from long-term psychological impacts, such as long-term emotional trauma and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) (Reddington & Kriesel, 2005). The long-term consequences of sexual violence on a victim can result in loss of steady employment and engaging in high-risk behaviors, like drug and alcohol abuse, as well as suicidal thoughts and feelings of hopelessness (Mulla, 2014, NAESV, 2011). The negative impacts of sexual violence indicate the various needs of a victim of sexual violence. One method to address the needs of a victim of sexual violence is to put them in contact with resources that address the physical and psychological impacts of sexual violence by providing services and care to victims. The purpose of this thesis is to determine what kinds of resources are available in Arizona and how these resources are being used to help the needs of victims of sexual violence. Through expert interviews and information collected through public online resources, I created a visual aid, a map, that organizes and categorizes the resources that are available in Arizona. I then provide separate descriptions of a list of resources. This was to determine how this set of resources are being used to provide services and care to victims of sexual violence as a means to better understand a local approach to the issues of sexual violence.
ContributorsKim, Grace (Author) / Maienschein, Jane (Thesis advisor) / Ellison, Karin (Committee member) / Roe-Sepowitz, Dominique (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2017
Description
For 40 years, rape myth scholars have assessed the effects of rape myths on perceptions of and responses to rape, demonstrating that rape myths pose significant barriers to rape prevention efforts and contribute to attrition. Most of this research centers female victims, theorizing rape myths’ relationship to gender stereotypes and how they maintain women’s oppression. However, scholars have largely ignored the relationship between rape myths and race and how rape myths contribute to racial oppression. I used an intersectional framework to reconceptualize rape myths as tools of both gender and racial oppression. I argued that rape myths have race-specific effects on rape perceptions and case processing outcomes, that rape myths contribute to racial disparities that align with racist social hierarchies, and that their influence is structural and systemic. I used three studies to assess these assertions. First, I used a randomized vignette survey to explore how victim and perpetrator race (e.g., White, Black, and Latinx) moderate the effects of rape myths (e.g., “victim precipitation,” “accidental rape,” “women cry rape,” and the “real rape” myth), on victim and perpetrator blame in a hypothetical rape (Chapter 2). Second, I assessed how victim race (e.g., White, Black, and Latinx) moderates the effects of rape myth factors (e.g., victim precipitation, credibility issues, real rape consistency) on police case processing decisions in real sexual assault cases (Chapter 3). Third, I analyzed sex crimes detectives’ descriptions of victims, reports, and decisions to determine how rape myths influence their focal concerns (Chapter 4).
Collectively, findings indicate that rape myths contribute to racial oppression. In Chapters 2 and 3 I found that race moderated the effects of rape myths on rape perceptions and police decisions. Further, rape myths had more negative impacts for Black and Latinx victims, than White victims. Finally, in Chapter 4, I found that detectives use rape myths to evaluate victim credibility, evidence, and case viability, suggesting that rape myths’ influence is structural and systemic. In addition to implications for practitioners, these findings indicate that rape myth scholars should rearticulate rape myths and their effects intersectionally, with particular attention to intersections with race.
ContributorsCoble, Suzanne St. George (Author) / Spohn, Cassia (Thesis advisor) / Stolzenberg, Stacia (Committee member) / Wang, Xia (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2022
Description
In 1999, the Inter-agency Working Group on Reproductive Health in Crises, hereafter the IAWG, wrote the Minimum Initial Services Package, hereafter MISP, which is the second chapter in Reproductive Health in Refugee Situations: An Inter-agency Field Manual. The IAWG wrote MISP for governments and agencies, who respond to humanitarian crises, as a guide for the provision of reproductive health services at the beginning of a humanitarian crises. The goal of MISP was to outline the services that people in humanitarian crises are to receive to minimize injury and death from complications related to reproductive health, prevent and manage the consequences of sexual violence, and reduce the transmission of sexually transmitted infections, or STIs. MISP recognizes that reproductive health is a human right and applies to people in humanitarian crises, providing specific details for governments and agencies to follow and mitigate the adverse effects of reproductive health issues in vulnerable populations.
ContributorsRoss, J. Nalubega (Author) / Santora, Emily (Editor) / Arizona State University. School of Life Sciences. Center for Biology and Society. Embryo Project Encyclopedia. (Publisher) / Arizona Board of Regents (Publisher)
Created2021-01-18
Description
Each year, an alarming number of college women are victims of interpersonal violence. In investigating the experiences of college women, the process of disclosure has emerged as an important research focus. Much of the current literature on interpersonal violence disclosure has focused on negative and positive social reactions from informal and formal supports. However, there is a lack of literature understanding how those disclosure reactions are connected to psychological, emotional, and behavioral consequences after the disclosure. Through in-depth, semi-structured interviews with eight diverse college women, the present study explores the nuanced ways survivors experience formal and informal disclosures, interpret disclosure reactions, and experience distress and growth. Using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) following a feminist paradigm, I identified seven themes related to the process of sharing one’s interpersonal violence victimization with others. The themes were organized into two categories that illustrate participants’ disclosure experiences and the psychosocial consequences of disclosure. The findings of this study may be used to inform training for university resource personnel as well as education for individuals within a survivor’s support system.
ContributorsAnderson, Mercedes (Author) / Spanierman, Lisa (Thesis advisor) / Buckman, Lindsey (Committee member) / Pereira, Jennifer (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2022