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This thesis explores the framing of gender equity within International Development organizations and the design of projects to promote it. Using case studies of projects financed by United States Agency for International Development (a major donor agency), and Inter Pares (a Canadian NGO) as evidence, the thesis identifies what works

This thesis explores the framing of gender equity within International Development organizations and the design of projects to promote it. Using case studies of projects financed by United States Agency for International Development (a major donor agency), and Inter Pares (a Canadian NGO) as evidence, the thesis identifies what works and what does not work in different contexts within these projects.
ContributorsPetersen, Melia Bea (Author) / Aggarwal, Rimjhim (Thesis director) / Manuel-Navarette, David (Committee member) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / School of International Letters and Cultures (Contributor) / School of Sustainability (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2018-05
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In previous research, little work was done to understand how and to what extent female combatants in Colombian revolutionary groups functioned as leaders. This paper seeks to assess the agency that women in Colombian leftist revolutionary organizations such as M-19 and FARC had access to, specifically with regards to leadership.

In previous research, little work was done to understand how and to what extent female combatants in Colombian revolutionary groups functioned as leaders. This paper seeks to assess the agency that women in Colombian leftist revolutionary organizations such as M-19 and FARC had access to, specifically with regards to leadership. Colombian revolutionary groups failed to successfully incorporate women into higher ranks, despite claiming otherwise. The military structure particularly favors men by esteeming masculine roles and blaming women for the transgressions of men. This paper specifically evaluates the differences between the M-19 and FARC with regards to female leadership. The M-19 more effectively incorporated women into leadership roles than FARC due to differences regarding representation.
ContributorsCunningham, Carissa Ann (Author) / Wood, Reed (Thesis director) / Fahs, Breanne (Committee member) / School of Social and Behavioral Sciences (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2017-05
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While many report positive changes after completing a long distance hike on the PCT, many who return experience a sense of depression or intense sadness. This sadness can be debilitating, but very little research has been done to explore possible causes and remedies. This thesis argues that volatile environmental conditions

While many report positive changes after completing a long distance hike on the PCT, many who return experience a sense of depression or intense sadness. This sadness can be debilitating, but very little research has been done to explore possible causes and remedies. This thesis argues that volatile environmental conditions on the Pacific Crest Trail act in a similar way to that of entities such as fraternities and the military in that the effort required to be initiated must be justified with the value received. As such, thru-hikers increase the value of the trail for themselves along with the cultural values that the trail may hold. These cultural values are predominantly equality, liberty, and the concept of the sublime. However, as nature is understood to be the opposite of urban environments, urban environments take on qualities of inequality, oppression, and corruption in the eyes of the hiker. These qualities then cause a hiker distress upon returning from their six month journey in that they have to both exist in and participate with such a society.
ContributorsRestrepo, Daniel Sebastian (Author) / Popova, Laura (Thesis director) / Roberts, Nicole (Committee member) / School of Life Sciences (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2017-05
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Women have served in combat for centuries and in many cases, in nontraditional gender roles. Through the shroud of history, women have supported their country in times of conflict, from Sparta to Greece, and even to Persia. This case study reviews how women in combat impact gender inclusive policies in

Women have served in combat for centuries and in many cases, in nontraditional gender roles. Through the shroud of history, women have supported their country in times of conflict, from Sparta to Greece, and even to Persia. This case study reviews how women in combat impact gender inclusive policies in their regimes and society perception. We examine Kurdistan, Israel, and the United States because they all have been in major conflicts for the last few decades, and because there has been a significant female presence in their units on the frontlines. All three countries showed interesting effects when it came to gender equality: Kurdistan's female fighters were very active in liberating women from Sharia Law and implementing human rights in their territory, Israel's government supports their female soldiers and continues to push for more women to enter the combat arms units, and lastly, the United States' government has recently allowed women to have access to combat arms. All three countries have showed positive effects on their social constructions of women and both Israel and the US are in Social Watch's top 20 countries for gender equality. The social constructions are built on the norms of behaviors as well as perceptions that shape societal views. Kurdistan is not ranked in the Social Watch because it is not recognized by the international community; however, since Kurdistan is the region of Iraq, Afghanistan, Iran, and Turkey, all four of those countries are ranked very low on the scale for gender equality. All three countries have shown support for gender equality in one way or the other and the desire to push for acceptance of these modern ideas. There are still a lot of obstacles in the road, especially for Kurdistan because it is under pressure to reform his regime in order to gain the support of the West and satisfy the activism of its women fighters.
ContributorsJohnson, Alexis Kiana (Author) / Lennon, Tara (Thesis director) / Odom, Brianna (Committee member) / Department of Military Science (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2017-05
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The author in this paper takes a further examination at the current 21st century policing policies in recruitment, selection, education, training, and use of force. This paper goes back in time to look at how policing first started and how policies have changed over the years. This paper also takes

The author in this paper takes a further examination at the current 21st century policing policies in recruitment, selection, education, training, and use of force. This paper goes back in time to look at how policing first started and how policies have changed over the years. This paper also takes a look at The President's Task Force on 21st Century Policing and how this was the first step towards evidence-based policing. The current 21st century policing policies are not evidence-based that have no support behind them and are no longer working for police agencies. The author also goes into small detail about gender equality within policing and how police departments can change their policies to ensure this. The author implements eleven new evidence-based policing policies in recruitment, selection, education, training, and use of force for police departments to follow. The author proposes a model process that is grounded in the latest research and evidence. It creates a road map for other police agencies to follow to ensure that only the best qualified individuals are hired, and once hired, they are properly trained, supervised, and taken care of to ensure they are professionals throughout their career. All of the new implemented evidence-based policies have been researched and have facts to support their success in police agencies. The hope is that police departments will follow these new evidence-based policies with the research support and implement these policies in their departments in hopes to improve policing and to improve officers work ethic.
ContributorsDunlap, Allie Anne (Author) / White, Michael (Thesis director) / Lindsay, Amanda (Committee member) / School of Criminology and Criminal Justice (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2018-05
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In this project, I went through four stages of the history of women's basketball and talked about where sexism related to the sport comes from. I went through the birth of women's college basketball and the WNBA as well as where the game is today.

ContributorsMorrison, Jesse Allen (Author) / Boivin, Paola (Thesis director) / Babits, Sadie (Committee member) / Walter Cronkite School of Journalism and Mass Comm (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2021-05
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Alexis de Tocqueville concludes the second volume of his influential political work Democracy in America with a discussion of “What Kind of Despotism Democratic Nations have to Fear.” The phenomenon Tocqueville seeks to capture in his final chapters is often called “democratic” or “soft” despotism, and it is notably

Alexis de Tocqueville concludes the second volume of his influential political work Democracy in America with a discussion of “What Kind of Despotism Democratic Nations have to Fear.” The phenomenon Tocqueville seeks to capture in his final chapters is often called “democratic” or “soft” despotism, and it is notably distinct from the traditional conception of despotism. The threat soft despotism represents to democracies is new to the world Tocqueville lived in, and as such, Tocqueville chose the word despotism to describe it because he felt no better word existed. So, to accurately describe the phenomenon that Tocqueville feared, he had to re-conceptualize despotism. When Tocqueville discusses soft despotism, he means a democratic state where people are incapable of being truly free. In examining this concretely, I have developed five criteria which capture all the characteristics of soft despotism: 1. The equality of conditions; 2. The destruction of social connection; 3. The creation of a centralized administrative state; 4. The fulfillment of base desires; and 5. The death of the political sphere. In “Defining Soft Despotism,” I offer explanations of what each of these five criteria means, and I discuss both how Tocqueville and later scholars view them. I offer my own understanding of each of these criteria framed in Tocqueville’s thought. Next, in “Understanding Soft Despotism,” I discuss what about soft despotism is so concerning to Tocqueville and focus on his belief that it fundamentally changes the people who live under it, depriving them of their humanity. Then, I discuss why Americans should be concerned today. Lastly, in “Measuring Soft Despotism,” I take data for each of the five criteria and examine them to see if they appear to match what Tocqueville envisioned a soft despotism would be like. In my assessment, I find that America today does not seem to be a soft despotism. America does not meet all five criteria I believe define a soft despotism. Instead, it appears America is only close to experiencing two of the five: the destruction of social connection, and the death of the political sphere. Despite these findings, there is still room for concern that America is heading towards becoming a soft despotism, or is perhaps headed in a different, but equally undesirable direction.
ContributorsBartlemay, Robert Charles (Author) / German, Zachary (Thesis director) / Carrese, Paul (Committee member) / Historical, Philosophical & Religious Studies (Contributor, Contributor) / School of Civic & Economic Thought and Leadership (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2020-05