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Femicide, the purposeful killing of women because they are women, has become a systemic epidemic in Mexico much do in part to two machista actors over the past few decades. These two actors are drug trafficking organizations, better known as cartels, and the government of Mexico at all levels. The

Femicide, the purposeful killing of women because they are women, has become a systemic epidemic in Mexico much do in part to two machista actors over the past few decades. These two actors are drug trafficking organizations, better known as cartels, and the government of Mexico at all levels. The investigations by many non-governmental organizations, like Amnesty International, and those by international governmental organizations, like UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), have estimated that an average of 7 women are killed per day simply because of their gender, and the government has yet to take their urgent recommendations to enact true changing legislation. Meanwhile, the government continues to provide impunity for the murders, many times cartel members. Thus, while cartels are the perpetrators of violence against women and use their body counts as a weapon of war resulting in the majority of cases of femicide, the Mexican government are using their body counts as a tool for political repression and resorting to their machista culture. This thesis works to further provide evidence of this through investigating failed laws and programs set by the government and revealing links between machismo - intense hypermasculinity - and the reason by which these perpetrators of genocide continue to do so, especially in places like Ciudad Juarez. The paper ultimately explains that cartels and governments, use women's fear of being killed to make them solidify their power over them and the country of Mexico as a whole. Recommendations to end this genocide includes holding the government completely accountable for their blatant wrongdoings against women as a population, place more women in positions of governmental power, and ensuring that corrupt and self-interested officials do not get placed into office as well as ensuring that impunity is not seen as the absolute for killing, raping, or violating women at any level in Mexico.
ContributorsGonzalez, Breanna A. (Author) / Cruz-Torres, Maria (Thesis director) / Velez-Ibanez, Carlos (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2017-05
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We were interested in whether or not certain demographics, such as gender, age, education level, and academic major, would affect an individual's political awareness. In particular, we hypothesized that Political Science majors would have a higher level of political awareness than Non-Political Science majors. In an in-person survey, we asked

We were interested in whether or not certain demographics, such as gender, age, education level, and academic major, would affect an individual's political awareness. In particular, we hypothesized that Political Science majors would have a higher level of political awareness than Non-Political Science majors. In an in-person survey, we asked participants on the Arizona State University, Tempe campus a series of nine questions measuring government structure and procedure, current politics, and policy issues. Our findings concluded that, within our sample: 1) on average, Political Science majors outperformed Non-Political Science majors 2) education level appears to be positively associated with political awareness 3) like education, age appears to be positively associated with political awareness, however, there seemed to be a peak at 21 years of age 4) males outperformed females, as suggested by research studying the gender gap in political knowledge. Because our sample population was not randomly selected, and this report focuses on descriptive statistics, we cannot generalize or comment on our findings' statistical significance. However, many of our findings are supported by current research and, with further specification, may be of interest to university officials who seek to measure the political knowledge and awareness of various demographic groups on campus.
ContributorsTaylor, Kaela (Co-author) / Leung, Emily (Co-author) / Lennon, Tara (Thesis director) / Woodall, Gina (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / W. P. Carey School of Business (Contributor) / School of International Letters and Cultures (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / Department of Information Systems (Contributor) / School of Accountancy (Contributor)
Created2014-05
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The purpose of this paper is to examine why the Russian government has been taking political, economic, and military actions in Belarus and Ukraine, and the extent to which the Russian people support these actions. Many observers in the West seem to believe that the Russian government is forcing its

The purpose of this paper is to examine why the Russian government has been taking political, economic, and military actions in Belarus and Ukraine, and the extent to which the Russian people support these actions. Many observers in the West seem to believe that the Russian government is forcing its political will onto Russian citizens. However, public opinion research indicates that Russian citizens express a genuine support for the regime's political behavior in neighboring countries. Russian citizens seem to support the decisions to build closer relations with countries they consider culturally significant or culturally similar to themselves. Perhaps the clearest examples of these sentiments occur in relationships with Belarus and Ukraine. This is especially apparent when compared to Russian relations with the Baltic nations. Although these nations are home to a large numbers of Russians, the citizens of Russia do not consider the Baltics as significant as Belarus or Ukraine because of pronounced cultural differences. In this context, it seems as though Russian public opinion drives government action toward international relations with the Near Abroad nations perhaps just as much as the government influences public opinion.
ContributorsFranko, Blake Isaac (Author) / Siroky, David (Thesis director) / Von Hagen, Mark (Committee member) / Benkert, Volker (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / School of International Letters and Cultures (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / School of Historical, Philosophical and Religious Studies (Contributor)
Created2014-05
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As the frequency of US-based disasters increases, so does the need for effective governmental contingency planning and improvement. The current, external evaluation method presents several opportunities for improvement, including cost, efficacy of results, and turnaround time for results. Utilizing a tabletop exercise as it's model, this study designed a self-evaluation

As the frequency of US-based disasters increases, so does the need for effective governmental contingency planning and improvement. The current, external evaluation method presents several opportunities for improvement, including cost, efficacy of results, and turnaround time for results. Utilizing a tabletop exercise as it's model, this study designed a self-evaluation tool to test if the data provided by such a tool is similar to the data provided by an external evaluator. After testing it in a government-sanctioned tabletop exercise, the tool showed its ability to be utilized in an exercise and evaluate the participants, based off their perceived success in the exercise. The results of the study indicate a strong, positive correlation between the results of the participant and evaluator populations surveyed as well as statistical equality between the two groups.
ContributorsEisen, Bryan Matthew (Author) / Hristovski, Kiril (Thesis director) / Ulrich, Jon (Committee member) / Gibbons, Sheri (Committee member) / Environmental and Resource Management (Contributor, Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2017-05
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This thesis explores managerial problems and recommendations to improve the efficiency and transparency of roughly 220 different boards and commissions currently active in the state of Arizona. Research for this thesis was gathered while serving as an intern in Governor Doug Ducey's office, as well as a close examination of

This thesis explores managerial problems and recommendations to improve the efficiency and transparency of roughly 220 different boards and commissions currently active in the state of Arizona. Research for this thesis was gathered while serving as an intern in Governor Doug Ducey's office, as well as a close examination of state statues, interviews, and supplemental sources. Research indicated that there are a few major areas of concern among the boards: the use of technology, transparency, lobbyists, board politics, and methods of centralization and decentralization. These major areas highlight the challenges that these offices face and can help inform the way solutions are created. Major findings from these areas of interest include: a need for greater use of technological resources, a need for increased transparency, the reasoning behind the new system for hiring lobbyists, the problems and possible solutions associated with board politics, the nuances of operating 90/10 licensing boards, possible changes to the operation of 90/10 licensing boards, the benefits and negatives to different methods of centralization and decentralization. Taking these findings into account, a few recommendations are developed to help enhance the operations of the state office and the boards and commissions. Beyond these recommendations, simply having a greater understanding of the operations behind the state office and the boards and commissions benefits everyone involved.
Created2016-12
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The implementation of gender quotas in the Costa Rican legislature presents an interesting case study that with the use of national legislative gender quotas, women’s issues are more positively addressed within the country. This analysis argues that with the higher presence of women legislators in the Legislative Assembly made possible

The implementation of gender quotas in the Costa Rican legislature presents an interesting case study that with the use of national legislative gender quotas, women’s issues are more positively addressed within the country. This analysis argues that with the higher presence of women legislators in the Legislative Assembly made possible by the quota these women. in turn, have created more gender-focused policies. Thusly, higher amounts of female-focused policy will positively impact women’s issue areas within Costa Rican society. This argument will be supported by other scholar’s research on the subject of the gender quota and female equality in Costa Rica. I will also be presenting my own research that will investigate the data taken from the Costa Rican health ministry, UNICEF, and other organizations to comparatively evaluate the improvement of problems that women face coinciding with the higher female presence in the legislature.
ContributorsBlythe, Alexandra (Author) / Shair-Rosenfield, Sarah (Thesis director) / Funk, Kendall (Committee member) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor, Contributor) / School of International Letters and Cultures (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2019-05
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This paper analyzes modern day Cuba and draws conclusions about the most likely future political and economic events that will take place. Because of Cuba's troubled economy, leadership change and the world's continued shift towards democratization, Cuba is in a position where drastic changes in its government and economic structure

This paper analyzes modern day Cuba and draws conclusions about the most likely future political and economic events that will take place. Because of Cuba's troubled economy, leadership change and the world's continued shift towards democratization, Cuba is in a position where drastic changes in its government and economic structure may occur. This paper investigates Cuba's history, politics, economy, and the general quality of life of its citizens, which are used to help predict what may happen to the Cuban government in the near future. The paper also analyzes options for foreign nations' policy towards Cuba and summarizes what actions they may take to increase the likelihood of an economic and political transition. Cuba's economic structure needs drastic reform, the reluctant privatization only increases wealth disparity, trust in the government continues to get weaker as more information and its human rights violations are causes of huge concern. There are four possible outcomes for Cuba's future: stagnation, adopting the mixed economic model, a peaceful transition to a democratic model, and rebellion. There is evidence that Cuba will not make drastic policy changes in favor of liberalization in the immediate future, however, if the economic conditions are not improved and an economic crisis ensues, this paper asserts that another revolution or coup will likely occur. The resulting government may be a new autocratic leader that fills the vacuum of leadership, or a democratic regime depending on the nature of the rebellion. The exact future of Cuba is uncertain, but one thing is clear, change is on the horizon.
ContributorsBeem, Christian D. (Author) / Anthony, Charles (Thesis director) / Bonfiglio, Thomas (Committee member) / Department of Economics (Contributor) / W.P. Carey School of Business (Contributor) / Department of Finance (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2018-05
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This thesis project discusses the transitions of the physician profession and their struggle to maintain autonomy throughout American History until approximately the 1980's. Included in the historical account of the physician profession, is the development of the American Hospital System and its origins working under the physician profession. As history

This thesis project discusses the transitions of the physician profession and their struggle to maintain autonomy throughout American History until approximately the 1980's. Included in the historical account of the physician profession, is the development of the American Hospital System and its origins working under the physician profession. As history progresses from 1760 on, what comes to light is a cyclical struggle for physicians to remain independent from the corporations, while using them to gain social and economic prestige. This work focuses on how the establishment of private practice in the United States has lead to the current system in place today, illustrating a long fight for control of the medical field that still rages on today. As physicians gained power and autonomy in the medical field during the 20th century, constant attempts of government intervention can be seen within the convoluted history of this professional field. The rise of corporate healthcare, that works in tandem with private physicians, was a critical period in forgotten American History that subsequently allowed physicians to increase their stranglehold on the medical service industry. The goal of this research was to establish a better understanding of American Medicine's history to better tackle the new problems we face today. As America transitions to a period of public health outcry, it is important to establish a somewhat linear rendition of a mostly untold history that directly impacts the lives of every citizen in this country. This work attempts to mend the broken pieces of that history to give light to how healthcare evolved into what it is today.
ContributorsParkhurst, Erik Lewis (Author) / Tyler, William (Thesis director) / Coursen, Jerry (Committee member) / Harrington Bioengineering Program (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2018-12
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Civil society, when taken as a whole, is a complex phenomenon that incorporates several movements and can be accompanied with international support. For instance in 1987, 40 NGOs (non-governmental organizations) were registered by the government, and within 25 years, the number has increased to 300,000 in the present day Russian

Civil society, when taken as a whole, is a complex phenomenon that incorporates several movements and can be accompanied with international support. For instance in 1987, 40 NGOs (non-governmental organizations) were registered by the government, and within 25 years, the number has increased to 300,000 in the present day Russian Federation. These numbers only include registered organizations, and do not count unregistered organizations, as approved under article 3 "Public organizations...can function without state registration and acquiring of the rights of registered legal body," or organizations that have been refused registration, such as the "Marriage Equality Russia" NGO that was denied registration in 2010. Thus the total amount of NGOs is significantly higher than 300,000. Every one of these NGOs "contribute to Russia‘s economic, political and social life in numerous ways and provide opportunities for citizens to help create better communities and elevate their voices" ("USAID in Russia"). With hundreds of thousands of organizations attempting to make a better society, they are creating a Russian civil society, one that could use the experience of countries with already well-established civil societies (Walzer). Walzer, however, notes the importance for civil society of political engagement with the state (317). In this thesis, I argue that the LGBT movement in Russia today has set an important example for other groups in civil society through its willingness to take on the Russian state through demonstrations and to use the state through the EU Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg.
ContributorsMark, Daniel (Author) / Hoogenboom, Hilde (Thesis director) / Hagen, V. Mark (Committee member) / Siroky, David (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / College of Liberal Arts and Sciences (Contributor)
Created2012-12
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Czechoslovakia failed to implement democracy and nationalism in an equal and fair manner to the Czechs and Slovaks. As Masaryk mirrored Czechoslovakia off of the United States and his close friend President Wilson, the founding Czechoslovakian documents created an unequal version of the basic democratic principles. The domestic geopolitical culture

Czechoslovakia failed to implement democracy and nationalism in an equal and fair manner to the Czechs and Slovaks. As Masaryk mirrored Czechoslovakia off of the United States and his close friend President Wilson, the founding Czechoslovakian documents created an unequal version of the basic democratic principles. The domestic geopolitical culture of nationalism and nationalism abroad influenced ethnic identification between the new borders for the Czechs and Slovaks. Without the shared social language of Czechoslovakian nationalism the Czechs and Slovaks did not unite politically, ethnically, or at all. This allowed for the Czechs to take over and create their idealist democracy, otherwise known as an ethnocracy.

ContributorsPeak, Madison Kimsey (Author) / Sivak, Henry (Thesis director) / Pout, Daniel (Committee member) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor, Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2021-05