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While police surveillance of political protestors is not a new phenomenon, the use of social media platforms as surveillance tools by various law enforcement agencies is rising in popularity and functions to identify and track activists merely engaging in their protected right to protest. Although troublesome, these tactics can be

While police surveillance of political protestors is not a new phenomenon, the use of social media platforms as surveillance tools by various law enforcement agencies is rising in popularity and functions to identify and track activists merely engaging in their protected right to protest. Although troublesome, these tactics can be subverted by individuals who wish to protect their privacy while still exercising their right to organize politically.
ContributorsBaker, Laine Marie (Author) / Ingram-Waters, Mary (Thesis director) / Hecht, Justine (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / School of Sustainability (Contributor)
Created2015-05
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Following the 2008 financial crisis, two social movements emerged in the United States, both attempting to address economic anxieties and grievances, though from very different ideological positions. The Tea Party Movement and the Occupy Movement arose within a few years of one another, and both sought to explain the

Following the 2008 financial crisis, two social movements emerged in the United States, both attempting to address economic anxieties and grievances, though from very different ideological positions. The Tea Party Movement and the Occupy Movement arose within a few years of one another, and both sought to explain the failure of the existing economic system, whether in terms of overregulation and government overreach, or in terms of political corruption and the failures of capitalism. Despite both movements seeking to address economic failures and anxieties, and both movements emerging within two years of one another, the Tea Party Movement and Occupy Movement had very different trajectories and outcomes. Putting aside the question of how to measure the success of a social movement, it is clear that the lasting effects of these two movements were quite different despite substantial similarities in the timing of these movements, and the economic anxieties which helped fuel them. While there are likely a constellation of factors which contributed to the differing outcomes between these two movements, the factors of interest in this analysis are the narratives espoused by these movements, and the relationship between narrative, and the organization and political activities of these movements.
ContributorsHallikainen, Hannah (Author) / Kubiak, Jeffrey (Thesis director) / Hechter, Michael (Committee member) / Chemical Engineering Program (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2019-05
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Description
In the past year, Chile has experienced the largest civil uprising since the Pinochet dictatorship ending in 1990. This study was conducted in order to better understand the deep-seated motivations behind the mass protests. Due to the relatively recent nature of these demonstrations, little research has yet to be published.

In the past year, Chile has experienced the largest civil uprising since the Pinochet dictatorship ending in 1990. This study was conducted in order to better understand the deep-seated motivations behind the mass protests. Due to the relatively recent nature of these demonstrations, little research has yet to be published. Scholarly literature indicates that Pinochet’s neoliberal policies—especially within the education, housing, and social security sectors—have prevented real progressive change and are structured to mainly benefit the business elites. Even 30 years after Pinochet’s authoritarian regime, left-leaning administrations attempted to improve the economic and social situations of the lower classes but could not due to the structural inequalities at the base of the Chilean economy and society. Foundationally, Pinochet’s neoliberal legacy has yet to be completely dismantled which is also echoed throughout the interview data.

Interviews were analyzed using content analysis in order to complement the literature and provide for new explanations. These interviews were collected through online news and firsthand reports of actual protesters and academics reflecting on the protests. Interviews from Chileans provide a window into the perspective of protesters in their own words. After coding the transcriptions of the first-hand reports, the primary findings of these sources show anger about human rights violations during the protests, frustration with the neoliberal economic structure, and current disconnection between the government and the people. This study found that Pinochet’s economic legacies implemented through his authoritarian dictatorship can help explain the 2019 civil uprising.
ContributorsConnor, Riley J. (Author) / Haglun, LaDawn (Thesis director) / Bar, Eyal (Committee member) / Dean, W.P. Carey School of Business (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2020-05