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In this thesis, I conduct a preliminary analysis of the Islamic State of Iraq and Al-Sham's travel manual-cum-propaganda ebook Hijrah to the Islamic State, which has been used by people from various parts of the world attempting to enter Syria and join the terrorist organization. Using techniques from discourse and

In this thesis, I conduct a preliminary analysis of the Islamic State of Iraq and Al-Sham's travel manual-cum-propaganda ebook Hijrah to the Islamic State, which has been used by people from various parts of the world attempting to enter Syria and join the terrorist organization. Using techniques from discourse and propaganda analysis I examine how the author of the text uses discursive resources to construct the reader of the text, the author's expectations for the reader, and the act of traveling to Syria. I then use news articles from varying organizations as well as the Islamic State-produced periodical magazine Dabiq to locate the document within the context of Islamic State affairs and propaganda. Subsequently, I show that the use of discursive resources is consistent with the ethos espoused in Dabiq, and in addition to serving as a guide to entering Syria Hijrah to the Islamic State is also a soft introduction into the radical belief systems of the terrorist group itself.
ContributorsDelmonico, Edward Peter (Author) / Prior, Matthew (Thesis director) / Adams, Karen (Committee member) / Department of English (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2016-05
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The United States’ War on Drugs declared in 1971 by President Richard Nixon and revamped by President Reagan in the 1980s has been an objectively failed initiative with origins based in racism and oppression. After exploring the repercussions of this endeavor for societies and individuals around the world, global researchers

The United States’ War on Drugs declared in 1971 by President Richard Nixon and revamped by President Reagan in the 1980s has been an objectively failed initiative with origins based in racism and oppression. After exploring the repercussions of this endeavor for societies and individuals around the world, global researchers and policymakers have declared that the policies and institutions created to fight the battle have left devastation in their wake. Despite high economic and social costs, missed opportunities in public health and criminal justice sectors, and increasing limits on our personal freedoms, all the measures taken to eradicate drug abuse and trafficking have been unsuccessful. Not only that, but militarized police tactics, mass incarceration, and harsh penalties that stifle opportunities for rehabilitation, growth, and change disproportionately harm poor and minority communities. <br/>Because reform in U.S. drug policy is badly needed, the goals of America’s longest war need to be reevaluated, implications of the initiative reexamined, and alternative strategies reconsidered. Solutions must be propagated from a diverse spectrum of contributors and holistic understanding through scientific research, empirical evidence, innovation, public health, social wellbeing, and measurable outcomes. But before we can know where we should be headed, we need to appreciate how we got to where we are. This preliminary expository investigation will explore and outline the history of drug use and prohibition in the United States before the War on Drugs was officially declared. Through an examination of the different patterns of substance use, evolving civil tolerance of users, racially-charged anti-drug misinformation/propaganda campaigns, and increasingly restrictive drug control policies, a foundation for developing solutions and strengths-based strategies for drug reform will emerge.

ContributorsSherman, Brooke (Author) / Jimenez-Arista, Laura (Thesis director) / Mitchell, Ojmarrh (Committee member) / College of Integrative Sciences and Arts (Contributor) / Department of Psychology (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2021-05
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The American government does not come without its fair share of problems, though it will often utilize different forms of propaganda in order to distract from those problems. This thesis sought to expose the Peace Corps as one of the most overlooked, but successful, forms of America’s propaganda. Research questions

The American government does not come without its fair share of problems, though it will often utilize different forms of propaganda in order to distract from those problems. This thesis sought to expose the Peace Corps as one of the most overlooked, but successful, forms of America’s propaganda. Research questions created for this study are as follows: What were the driving forces behind the Peace Corps’ creation? What are the qualifications necessary for a host country to partner with the Peace Corps, and what relevant assistance did the Peace Corps provide for these host countries? Using sources that retold the Peace Corps’ history, spoke on hegemony, and imperialism, as well as statements from Peace Corps volunteers, the study conducted over months answered the questions above. Results revealed that the Peace Corps ultimately provided more benefit for the United States than the host countries and is a modern-day example of America’s soft-power imperialism.

Created2021-05
Description

This paper will discuss what psychological operations (PSYOP) and psychological warfare (PSYWAR) are, emphasizing the role they played in the Korean War on soldiers and POWs. It includes two dynamic, engaging personal narratives adding relevance and intrigue to the topic examined. Two types of psychological operations will be identified and

This paper will discuss what psychological operations (PSYOP) and psychological warfare (PSYWAR) are, emphasizing the role they played in the Korean War on soldiers and POWs. It includes two dynamic, engaging personal narratives adding relevance and intrigue to the topic examined. Two types of psychological operations will be identified and discussed, the leaflet and radio broadcast. Three methods of psychological warfare in the form of bacteriological warfare allegations, brainwashing, and sleep deprivation are analyzed and the effects of these methods during wartime. All participating countries during the Korean war either used psychological operations and warfare on their enemies, or had it used on them. The key takeaway was increased understanding that PSYOP and PSYWAR are founded on truthfulness rather than falsehoods. The paper concludes with the results of the war on the players involved and the legacy of psychological operations, encompassing how it applies to our technologically advanced world today.

ContributorsGoldsteen, Elizabeth (Author) / Niebuhr, Robert (Thesis director) / Ackerman, Heather (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / College of Integrative Sciences and Arts (Contributor)
Created2023-05
Description
After the Vietnam War the Communist party faced the issue of unifying the minds of the Vietnamese people beyond just the outward signs. The party experienced both successes and failures in these efforts but overall found a valid way to normalize relations in the country. This thesis finds that unity

After the Vietnam War the Communist party faced the issue of unifying the minds of the Vietnamese people beyond just the outward signs. The party experienced both successes and failures in these efforts but overall found a valid way to normalize relations in the country. This thesis finds that unity did not come so much from forced indoctrination as from establishing prosperity and finding common points of unity. In Vietnam’s case, its shift to a more flexible and tolerant political and economic atmosphere paved the way for more positive views of the government, and by employing a nationalist appeal to historic figures and symbols, the government further shaped the minds of the rising generation. The use of Ho Chi Minh as the symbol of both modern Vietnam and the Communist party is a particularly telling example. Upon visiting Vietnam today, it is difficult to find outward expressions of disunity between the north and south. Accordingly, some of the strategies employed in Vietnam may be useful in other countries struggling with unity.
ContributorsWatson, Samuel (Author) / Ruggles, Brock (Thesis director) / Sakach, An (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / Historical, Philosophical & Religious Studies, Sch (Contributor) / Chemical Engineering Program (Contributor)
Created2023-12
Description
Propaganda bots are malicious bots on Twitter that spread divisive opinions and support political accounts. This project is based on detecting propaganda bots on Twitter using machine learning. Once I began to observe patterns within propaganda followers on Twitter, I determined that I could train algorithms to detect

Propaganda bots are malicious bots on Twitter that spread divisive opinions and support political accounts. This project is based on detecting propaganda bots on Twitter using machine learning. Once I began to observe patterns within propaganda followers on Twitter, I determined that I could train algorithms to detect these bots. The paper focuses on my development and process of training classifiers and using them to create a user-facing server that performs prediction functions automatically. The learning goals of this project were detailed, the focus of which was to learn some form of machine learning architecture. I needed to learn some aspect of large data handling, as well as being able to maintain these datasets for training use. I also needed to develop a server that would execute these functionalities on command. I wanted to be able to design a full-stack system that allowed me to create every aspect of a user-facing server that can execute predictions using the classifiers that I design.
Throughout this project, I decided on a number of learning goals to consider it a success. I needed to learn how to use the supporting libraries that would help me to design this system. I also learned how to use the Twitter API, as well as create the infrastructure behind it that would allow me to collect large amounts of data for machine learning. I needed to become familiar with common machine learning libraries in Python in order to create the necessary algorithms and pipelines to make predictions based on Twitter data.
This paper details the steps and decisions needed to determine how to collect this data and apply it to machine learning algorithms. I determined how to create labelled data using pre-existing Botometer ratings, and the levels of confidence I needed to label data for training. I use the scikit-learn library to create these algorithms to best detect these bots. I used a number of pre-processing routines to refine the classifiers’ precision, including natural language processing and data analysis techniques. I eventually move to remotely-hosted versions of the system on Amazon web instances to collect larger amounts of data and train more advanced classifiers. This leads to the details of my final implementation of a user-facing server, hosted on AWS and interfacing over Gmail’s IMAP server.
The current and future development of this system is laid out. This includes more advanced classifiers, better data analysis, conversions to third party Twitter data collection systems, and user features. I detail what it is I have learned from this exercise, and what it is I hope to continue working on.
ContributorsPeterson, Austin (Author) / Yang, Yezhou (Thesis director) / Sadasivam, Aadhavan (Committee member) / Computer Science and Engineering Program (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2019-05
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Description
Theatre for social change, or more generally, theatre that addresses political issues in a community, often leans on participation as a way of democratizing the theatrical space and opening the conversational floor to more than just the traditional creative team. In practice, participatory theatre nonetheless can and has been used

Theatre for social change, or more generally, theatre that addresses political issues in a community, often leans on participation as a way of democratizing the theatrical space and opening the conversational floor to more than just the traditional creative team. In practice, participatory theatre nonetheless can and has been used as a tool of propaganda rather than a tool for democratic social change. These seemingly-incompatible applications of participation in political theatre present a problem for those who want to use it: what versions of participatory theatre provide a space for other voices, and what versions of participatory theatre ostensibly appear to, but ultimately only function as tools to justify an ideology? To explore this question I examine a common form of participatory theatre: interactive theatrical trials. Specifically, I analyze the agitation trials of post-revolutionary and early Soviet Russia using Augusto Boal's frameworks from his devlopment of Theatre of the Oppressed.
ContributorsMoore, Daniel Elijah (Author) / McAvoy, Mary (Thesis director) / Hunt, Kristin (Committee member) / School of Music, Dance and Theatre (Contributor) / Department of Physics (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2020-12