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- Genre: Masters Thesis
Description
The purpose of this study was to investigate the relationship between the structures of nonprofit victim service organizations and organizational effectiveness. Past research has rarely considered the structures of nonprofit institutions, and thus there is a lack of understanding regarding how nonprofit service organizations function, and whether not traditional concepts of effectiveness can accurately describe organizational success. Thus, there is an opportunity for further exploration regarding how this structural change impacted organizational effectiveness. This study used mixed-methodology including surveys (N=16), interviews (N=17), and comparative case studies (N=5) to examine nonprofit organizational structures and effectiveness in efforts to answer questions regarding the reality of hybrid nonprofit structures, the characteristics of these hybrid structures, and the presentation of organizational effectiveness in nonprofit service organizations. The findings revealed that a) hybrid structures are overwhelmingly the style of service nonprofits, b) externally bureaucratic structures and collective internal structures are combined to form these hybrid organizations, and c) traditional measures of organizational effectiveness as well as characteristics unique to hybrid structures are influential in determining effectiveness in nonprofit service organizations. Future research should consider what factors influence the collaboration of nonprofit service organizations and criminal justice institutions in order to best support crime victims.
ContributorsVerhagen, Megan (Author) / Holtfreter, Kristy (Thesis advisor) / Fox, Kate (Committee member) / Messing, Jill (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2018
Description
Para Mi Alma is a composition for chamber wind ensemble comprised of an Introduction, two dance movements, and a concluding movement featuring the full ensemble in a chorale-like finale. This piece follows the narrative of an abusive relationship, and the emotional rollercoaster that one experiences during the self extrication and consequential rebirth of identity. Para Mi Alma (For My Soul) is scored for chamber wind ensemble with the following instrumentation: piccolo/flute, Bb clarinet, bass clarinet, bassoon; soprano, tenor, and baritone saxophone; trumpet, trumpet/flugelhorn, horn in F, tenor and bass trombone; double bass, and three percussionists - marimba/congas, auxiliary percussion (wind chimes, suspended cymbal, triangle, bass drum, snare drum, double cowbell, tam-tam), and timpani/timbales. The duration of this work is approximately 11’00”.
Each movement portrays a stage in the relationship, and the mental state of the person experiencing abuse. The Introduction begins with a piccolo solo and marimba accompaniment, and gradually builds to the full ensemble; this section of music illustrates the moment that relational ties to the transgressor are cut — a split second of clarity and space before the spiral of anxiety and overwhelming thoughts of self deprecation invade. Movement I is a salsa, representing the dance of two people entering into a relationship. The meter changes and hemiolas serve to upset the underlying groove and create rhythmic tension, while the surface of the music appears unscathed. Finally the dance is interrupted by an aggressive bass solo, which initiates the transition to Movement II. This transition serves to remind the listener of the Introduction, and the dissolution of the relationship; it is characterized by chaos and confused clusters of melodic lines and dissonant harmonies. Movement II is a tango, representative of the emotional extremes of heartbreak, anger, confusion, and shame. The conclusion of the Tango directly segues into Movement III, which features a short brass chorale before building to include the full ensemble. Movement III portrays the support system of family and friends, and personifies the collective effort that takes place in healing and growth.
Each movement portrays a stage in the relationship, and the mental state of the person experiencing abuse. The Introduction begins with a piccolo solo and marimba accompaniment, and gradually builds to the full ensemble; this section of music illustrates the moment that relational ties to the transgressor are cut — a split second of clarity and space before the spiral of anxiety and overwhelming thoughts of self deprecation invade. Movement I is a salsa, representing the dance of two people entering into a relationship. The meter changes and hemiolas serve to upset the underlying groove and create rhythmic tension, while the surface of the music appears unscathed. Finally the dance is interrupted by an aggressive bass solo, which initiates the transition to Movement II. This transition serves to remind the listener of the Introduction, and the dissolution of the relationship; it is characterized by chaos and confused clusters of melodic lines and dissonant harmonies. Movement II is a tango, representative of the emotional extremes of heartbreak, anger, confusion, and shame. The conclusion of the Tango directly segues into Movement III, which features a short brass chorale before building to include the full ensemble. Movement III portrays the support system of family and friends, and personifies the collective effort that takes place in healing and growth.
ContributorsVincent, Katelyn Rae (Author) / Rogers, Rodney (Thesis advisor) / Knowles, Kristina (Committee member) / Kocour, Michael (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2019
Description
This thesis reviews options available to women in rural India and whether these opportunities grant them freedom. Initially, I distinguish the term freedom from autonomy, recognizing the flaws in the theory of autonomy. I identify freedom as a human's ability to make choices without external coercion. This differs from the concept of autonomy because autonomy does not recognize culture as a form of coercion; autonomy also neglects to consider the possibility of a person making a decision that affects his or her life negatively. These concepts tie into battered women in rural India because of the pressure they receive from cultural forces to make decisions reflecting practiced gender norms. Through case study research, I found that battered women in India lack access to freedom, being unable to access their freedom because of the constant threat of violence and/or ostracism. I drew this conclusion after reviewing opportunities of financial freedom through micro-credit loans, land-owning, and women’s employment. I reflect on freedom of mobility, and examine women’s threat of violence in both the public and private sectors. Lastly, I reviewed women’s political freedom in rural India, reviewing laws that were passed to ensure women’s equality. Women in India are already in a vulnerable position because of existing gender norms that require women to perform tasks for the benefit of the men in her life. A woman under the threat of domestic violence is twice as vulnerable because of her positionality as a woman in her culture, as well as a wife in her marriage. She is bound by gender norms in society, as well as her expected marital duties as a wife. Being unable to escape the threat of violence in both her private and public spheres, a woman experiencing domestic violence has virtually no access to freedom. I suggest that state and community-level empowerment is necessary before individual-level empowerment is effective and culturally accepted.
ContributorsJoyave, Anna (Author) / Behl, Natasha (Thesis advisor) / Forrest, Michael D. (Committee member) / Anokye, Akua D (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2016
Description
LGBTQI people are often victimized by law enforcement and these victimizations often are related to victimizations of domestic violence and hate violence. Because reporting a victimization to the police leads to contact with police, a part of the research question involved herein looked at whether or not reporting a victimization to the police also increases the rate of police violence. Through secondary data analysis, this study investigated the correlation between reporting domestic violence and hate violence to the police, and subsequent victimizations by the police in the form of police violence. Additionally through secondary data analysis, this study investigated whether or not this correlation is stronger with transgender women and people of color. All data analyzed in this study was collected in Tucson, Arizona through the Wingspan Anti-Violence Project (WAVP). All data was analyzed with the permission of the data owner, the National Coalition of Anti-Violence Programs (NCAVP) (see Appendix IV), and with IRB approval from the Arizona State University Office of Research Integrity and Assurance (see Appendix III). The findings demonstrated a positive correlation between the rate of LGBTQI people reporting violent crimes to the police and the rate of police violence against LGBTQI survivors of domestic violence and hate violence. The results further demonstrated the rate of police violence associated with reporting domestic violence or hate violence is greatest for transgender women and people of color.
ContributorsFarr, Patrick (Author) / Lecroy, Craig (Thesis advisor) / Sangalang, Cindy (Committee member) / Brown, Mary Ellen (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2016
Description
The question of how to reduce the recidivism rates among IPV offenders is one that plagues criminologists to this day. Though a difficult issue to address, educational treatment programs have started to gain popularity as one idea to achieve this reduction. By examining the dataset from the “Domestic Violence Experiment in King's County (Brooklyn), New York, 1995-1997,” conducted by Robert C. Davis et al. (2000), it was found that the results of the educational program showed a great promise in reducing recidivism rates. Though it is important to focus on and analyze the results from this study, it is also important to extrapolate from them by running and examining specific models and variables with the dataset. Focusing on specific variables within the dataset allows researchers to find different themes and results in smaller ideologies of research, versus trying to find one overall answer on how to reduce recidivism.
By examining specific variables such as length of relationship, I wonder how length of relationship between an IPV offender and victim impact recidivism rates? This thesis will discuss IPV history and theoretical perspectives, history of educational programs, length of relationship, and the dataset conducted by Davis et al. (2000).
This thesis examines how the likelihood of IPV recidivism is effected by length of relationship, the different length of treatment programs (overall, eight-week, or twenty-six-weeks), and the interaction between length of relationship and the different treatment programs. The results show overall that length of relationship slightly decreases the rate of recidivism for IPV. When length of relationship is ran in the models with the separate treatment programs, it is found that the overall treatment and twenty-six-week programs have drastic and significant reduction results on recidivism, but that the eight-week program actually increases recidivism rates slightly. The results also indicate that when examining the interaction between length of relationship and the different treatment programs, length of relationship slightly moderates the reduction of the recidivism rates for the individuals enrolled in the overall treatment and eight-week programs, but slightly increases the rates for those in the twenty-six-week program.
By examining specific variables such as length of relationship, I wonder how length of relationship between an IPV offender and victim impact recidivism rates? This thesis will discuss IPV history and theoretical perspectives, history of educational programs, length of relationship, and the dataset conducted by Davis et al. (2000).
This thesis examines how the likelihood of IPV recidivism is effected by length of relationship, the different length of treatment programs (overall, eight-week, or twenty-six-weeks), and the interaction between length of relationship and the different treatment programs. The results show overall that length of relationship slightly decreases the rate of recidivism for IPV. When length of relationship is ran in the models with the separate treatment programs, it is found that the overall treatment and twenty-six-week programs have drastic and significant reduction results on recidivism, but that the eight-week program actually increases recidivism rates slightly. The results also indicate that when examining the interaction between length of relationship and the different treatment programs, length of relationship slightly moderates the reduction of the recidivism rates for the individuals enrolled in the overall treatment and eight-week programs, but slightly increases the rates for those in the twenty-six-week program.
ContributorsWeldon, Shelby (Author) / Wallace, Danielle (Thesis advisor) / Young, Jacob (Committee member) / Pizarro, Jesenia (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2016
Description
Rates of domestic violence (DV) gun homicide in Arizona consistently exceed the national average (Everytown, 2015). For perpetrators, firearms continue to be their primary weapon of choice in DV homicides (Arizona Coalition to End Sexual and Domestic Violence, 2015). In Arizona, civil DV protection orders (POs) help reduce the growing rates of gun homicide through firearm removal provisions. Questioning how firearms shape judicial decision-making, this thesis contributes to existing literature on firearms and DV by exploring how judges come to interpret findings of credible threat and which factors are associated with judicial decisions to grant firearm removal pursuant to Ariz. Rev. Stat. § 13-3601. This thesis reveals how courts navigate competing concerns around victim safety and gun rights.
Secondary qualitative and quantitative data collected as part of Dr. Alesha Durfee’s National Institute of Justice Researcher-Practitioner Partnerships Grant “Investigating the Impacts of Institutional and Contextual Factors on Protection Order Decision-Making” (Dr. Alesha Durfee, PI; Mesa Municipal Court and National Center for State Courts, co-PIs) (2015-IJ-CX-0013) are analyzed in this thesis.
Secondary qualitative and quantitative data collected as part of Dr. Alesha Durfee’s National Institute of Justice Researcher-Practitioner Partnerships Grant “Investigating the Impacts of Institutional and Contextual Factors on Protection Order Decision-Making” (Dr. Alesha Durfee, PI; Mesa Municipal Court and National Center for State Courts, co-PIs) (2015-IJ-CX-0013) are analyzed in this thesis.
ContributorsWallin, Mikaela (Author) / Durfee, Alesha (Thesis advisor) / Kitch, Sally (Committee member) / Messing, Jill (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2017