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- All Subjects: Immigration
- Creators: School of Politics and Global Studies
- Creators: College of Letters and Sciences
Description
This project is to help Guatemalan youth immigrants by providing them with the information necessary to access support in the United States, and obtainin legal status in the United States. In order to produce a brochure with this information, it was necessary to research the political, economic, and social history of Guatemala in order to determine what struggles citizens are facing, and specifically what experiences youth in the country have prior to their journey to the United States. This research is culminated into a paper that discusses the history, the causes of emigration from Guatemala, and the status of youth immigrants before they leave Guatemala and once they arrive in the United States.
ContributorsMckay, Rachel Marie (Author) / Magaña, Lisa (Thesis director) / Elias, Olivia (Committee member) / School of Criminology and Criminal Justice (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / College of Letters and Sciences (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2016-05
Description
This thesis examines the problems that occur when the politics and practices of social services, specifically maternal and prenatal care, are guided by a distorted understanding of immigration. It compares the politics and practice of this care across two international borders: the U.S.-Mexico and that within Hispaniola. In an ideal world, care would be extended to all individuals regardless of citizenship. However, since every welfare state has its limits at the national border, citizenship matters to both federal governments and medical professionals. Government-provided resources play an integral role in the current immigration debate, as these programs are a collective investment in which all individuals contribute in order to sustain it. The United States developed the welfare state in order to provide necessary resources to those who could not afford it. Its creators did not view these services as a handout, rather as a support for the future workforce of the country. However, health care was and still is not provided on this model of economic and social citizenship. Current U.S. healthcare policy dictates that no one can be turned away in an emergency situation because someone cannot pay their medical bill, including undocumented immigrants. But for immigrant mothers carrying children across the border, maternal and prenatal care does not qualify as an emergency and the federal government aid typically does not extend to them them as citizens. When care is extended to undocumented immigrants in the United States at all, it typically is provided to the child through Medicaid, who is by dint of the Fourteenth Amendment considered a citizen after birth. The relation between the Dominican Republic and Haiti offers a more complex situation, as the idea of birthright citizenship has recently been revoked. Following the Haitian Earthquake in 2010, the only healthcare to which many Haitians had access was across the Hispaniola border. Haitian women who give birth to children in the Dominican Republic are often not evaluated by a doctor until they are entering the delivery process, and even then health-care is complicated by or denied because of racial prejudice and unclear legal situation. In September of 2013, the Constitutional Court of the Dominican Republic issues a new ruling which declared that any immigrant born between 1929 and 2010 without documentation of their own or of their ancestors does not have citizenship, rendering many Haitians born in the Dominican Republic essentially stateless. To be born to a non-citizen mother typically means the child will likely be born with little or no prenatal care, and the mother will receive poor or inadequate care. Prenatal care is one of the most inexpensive elements of a care-model that carries huge returns relative to its costs. All governments would benefit from improved access to maternal and prenatal care because its future citizens who receive such care would be born healthier and have fewer expensive chronic illnesses. Fewer chronic illness among a population would have huge returns on the welfare state because fewer people would be utilizing it for expensive medical treatments. Though most medical professionals condemn the extreme act of denying care to pregnant women or infants (documented or not), the Dominican Republic and the United States have a popular politics that embraces this cruelty, despite the fact that both pride themselves on a multi-ethnic population. It is easy for policymakers to incriminate undocumented immigrants and claim that they are responsible for an illegitimate share of the consumption of the country's resources. Therefore, it seems likely that the host country's perceptions of immigrant natality and maternity help construct a negative image of the immigration "problem" in such a way that laws and policies are designed without accurate rationale. This thesis examines how the United States and the Dominican Republic might improve the relationship between the culture of healthcare and the role of the legal system for immigrants and their children. It seeks to understand the reasons, motivations, and consequences for denying immigrants services on the account of their citizenship status. The social, economic, and health consequences of being an undocumented citizen will be examined. Current legal policy and what political roadblocks and cultural prejudices must be overcome in order to implement a successful policy will be reviewed. Finally, the best practices prenatal care as a national investment will be discussed, as will the problem of cross-cultural perception of natality, maternity, and immigration.
ContributorsPrassas, Alexandra Rose (Author) / Oberle, Eric (Thesis director) / Vega, Sujey (Committee member) / Oberstein, Bruce (Committee member) / College of Letters and Sciences (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2016-05
Description
This thesis paper examines the rise of nationalist parties in the Netherlands from the 1960s to 2015. It examines two major explanations for this growth: increasing numbers of predominantly Islamic immigrants and the increasing powers of the European Union. Concerns with these events have brought neo-nationalist parties to the forefront of the political process. This analysis begins in the 1960s during the depillarization of Dutch society and concludes with Geert Wilders and the Partij voor de Vrijheid.
ContributorsVan Gijlswijk, Christiaan Cornelis (Author) / Bustikova-Siroky, Lenka (Thesis director) / Hechter, Michael (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / School of Human Evolution and Social Change (Contributor)
Created2015-05
Description
This full-length, two-act play explores the way loss brings together and tears apart two families in the United States, a lower-middle class Mexican family and a relatively wealthy white family. Throughout the play we explore family dynamics, culture, and how we all ultimately cope with navigating a complex and often devastating world. While this thesis project has completed the honors requirements, the play itself is still under construction. The version you see here is a final thesis project, but not a final product.
ContributorsBilker, Molly Alexandra (Author) / King de Ramirez, Carmen (Thesis director) / Stephens, Mary (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / College of Letters and Sciences (Contributor) / Walter Cronkite School of Journalism and Mass Communication (Contributor)
Created2015-05
Description
At odds with the Axis powers in the Second World War, the American government
began the task of dealing with an influx of Europeans seeking refugee status stateside, even before the Japanese attack Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941. American interest in the global situation, nevertheless, did not officially begin after the initial attack on the 7th of December. Before that date, the United States government had to address refugees seeking asylum from European countries. Often studied, German emigration to the United States at times took center stage in terms of the refugee situation after the Nazi regime enacted anti- Semitic legislation in Germany and its occupied nations, prior to the American declaration of war. France, however, had a crisis of its own after the Germans invaded in the summer of 1940, and the fall of France led to a large portion of France occupied by Germany and the formation of a new government in the non-occupied zone, the Vichy regime.
France had an extensive history of Jewish culture and citizenship culture prior to 1940, and xenophobia, especially common after the 1941 National Revolution in France, led to a “France for the French” mentality championed by Marshal Philippe Pétain, Chief of State of Vichy France. The need for the French Jewish population to seek emigration became a reality in the face of the collaborationist Vichy government and anti-Semitic statutes enacted in 1940 and 1941. French anti-Semitic policies and practices led many Jews to seek asylum in the United States, though American policy was divided between a small segment of government officials, politicians, individuals, and Jewish relief groups who wanted to aid European Jews, and a more powerful nativist faction, led by Breckenridge Long which did not support immigration. President Roosevelt, and the American government, fully aware of the situation of French Jews, did little concrete to aid their asylum in the United States.
began the task of dealing with an influx of Europeans seeking refugee status stateside, even before the Japanese attack Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941. American interest in the global situation, nevertheless, did not officially begin after the initial attack on the 7th of December. Before that date, the United States government had to address refugees seeking asylum from European countries. Often studied, German emigration to the United States at times took center stage in terms of the refugee situation after the Nazi regime enacted anti- Semitic legislation in Germany and its occupied nations, prior to the American declaration of war. France, however, had a crisis of its own after the Germans invaded in the summer of 1940, and the fall of France led to a large portion of France occupied by Germany and the formation of a new government in the non-occupied zone, the Vichy regime.
France had an extensive history of Jewish culture and citizenship culture prior to 1940, and xenophobia, especially common after the 1941 National Revolution in France, led to a “France for the French” mentality championed by Marshal Philippe Pétain, Chief of State of Vichy France. The need for the French Jewish population to seek emigration became a reality in the face of the collaborationist Vichy government and anti-Semitic statutes enacted in 1940 and 1941. French anti-Semitic policies and practices led many Jews to seek asylum in the United States, though American policy was divided between a small segment of government officials, politicians, individuals, and Jewish relief groups who wanted to aid European Jews, and a more powerful nativist faction, led by Breckenridge Long which did not support immigration. President Roosevelt, and the American government, fully aware of the situation of French Jews, did little concrete to aid their asylum in the United States.
ContributorsPalumbo, Alex Paul (Author) / Fuchs, Rachel G. (Thesis director) / Simpson, Brooks (Committee member) / Cardoza, Thomas (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / School of Historical, Philosophical and Religious Studies (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor)
Created2014-05
Description
South Sudan claims the position of being the newest state in the world, formed by a referendum on separation from Sudan held in 2011. The referendum comes after a half a century of fighting, which led to the displacement of an estimated four million South Sudanese and the death of two million. The massive numbers of displaced people fled to Northern Sudan or surrounding countries, crossing borders and becoming refugees. A comparatively small number were repatriated into countries of second asylum, such as the United States. Arizona, a state with relatively cheap cost of living and a large amount of low-skilled jobs became a favored state for resettling refugees. In 2013, the South Sudanese population in the greater Phoenix area was estimated to be around 4,000. This paper is an exploration of the how South Sudanese refugee youth identify themselves, and find their place in a new country, and in Phoenix, without losing their roots. This paper concludes that South Sudanese refugee youth have a hyphenated identity. They identify as both proud South Sudanese and as American citizens. This identity is formed by strong ties to the South Sudanese community and education by parents on the one hand, and integration in American schools and norms on the other hand. Having a hyphenated identity also affects the work that these South Sudanese do and their relationships with South Sudan. This research also highlights the difficulties with theorizing immigration and identity, by placing discussions of integration and transnationalism in concert with the voices of actual immigrants. The findings in this paper are developed from 12 oral history interviews of South Sudanese in conjunction with existing scholarly literature on refugees, South Sudan, and identity.
ContributorsDooling, Carmel Inez (Author) / Holian, Anna (Thesis director) / Gallab, Abdullahi (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / School of Historical, Philosophical and Religious Studies (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / Sandra Day O'Connor College of Law (Contributor)
Created2014-05
Description
Mass media has played a central role in the construction of "illegal" immigration as a crisis, despite demographic trends suggesting otherwise, resulting in public concern and extreme policies. Additional coverage by local news has brought the issue closer to home, leading state legislatures to action. This project analyzes trends in a 10 year period in local news articles and state-level legislation about undocumented immigration in Arizona and Alabama. The representation of immigration as a threat has consequences for the lives of immigrants and what it means to be an American.
ContributorsGultz, Chrisanne Marie (Author) / Menjivar, Cecilia (Thesis director) / Doty, Roxanne (Committee member) / Diaz McConnell, Eileen (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / School of Social Transformation (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / School of Historical, Philosophical and Religious Studies (Contributor)
Created2014-05
Description
On December 28th 2012, immigration authorities arrested my father and mother while grocery shopping. As soon as they stepped outside, immigration officers stopped them to be questioned. Jeopardizing my university graduation, I took on the challenge to fight court and petition my parents to not be deported. As a first generation born American, I have the power and the right to petition for the freedom of my parents. I was fortunate to be born in this country as a citizen and take advantage of all the opportunities given to me. Up until today, my family and I have done nothing but participate as good citizens. What I failed to realize is that one day our family would become deportation victims of the broken immigration system. There are currently between 11 to12 million undocumented people living in the United States with no pathway to citizenship. My father and mother were humiliated in jail, separated from the family for three months and suffered from emotional distress. It is imperative for me to share our family experience so others know the reality about illegal immigration. In this paper I aspire to leave the reader with knowledge and understanding about illegal immigration. The main purpose of my thesis is to retell my family's experience and the struggle we are still currently facing. The fate of my family was decided on March 25th 2013, and my family has been forever changed. We learned the valuable lesson that as Latinos in the community, we need to fight for freedom and speak on those that are undocumented and afraid.
ContributorsCalderon, Rudy (Author) / Larson, Elizabeth (Thesis director) / Ovando, Carlos (Committee member) / Sanchez, Marta (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / School of International Letters and Cultures (Contributor)
Created2013-05
Description
European societies have experienced recent surges in immigration, particularly in the form of refugees and asylum-seekers, in the years following the Arab Spring. At the same time, we can observe a substantial implementation of austerity policies in the European Union following the European Debt Crisis since the end of 2009. In this study, I investigate the correlation between attitudes towards austerity policies and attitudes towards immigration. I hypothesize that individuals who report being disinterested regarding austerity policy will be more positive towards future immigration from outside of the EU while those who report being concerned with austerity policies will be more adverse towards such future immigration. To explain cross-country differences, I use group threat theory, which explains that, larger inflows of immigration combined with challenging economic conditions impose a perceived threat on the host society, resulting in more negative attitudes towards immigration. I plan to analyze data from the Eurobarometer 82.3 (Standard Eurobarometer) social survey (2014) to study the results of my hypotheses within a cross-section of time. My findings largely confirm my hypotheses, though the individual-level results draw a weak correlation between austerity, nationalism, and attitudes towards immigration.
ContributorsMiller, Wyatt Alan (Author) / Thies, Cameron (Thesis director) / Bar, Eyal (Committee member) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / Thunderbird School of Global Management (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2016-12
Description
Since the collapse of the Medellin Cartel in Colombia in 1993, the Mexican drug cartels have been increasing in strength and international presence. Along with the organization's political and economic involvement, a deeply rooted culture has been developing. Three distinct time periods define this culture: pre-Medellin Cartel collapse (1970s-1993), post-Medellin Cartel Collapse (1993-2006) and post-President Calderon's Drug War announcement (2006-present day). More specifically, the history and fascination with the cartel is documented in songs, known as narcocorridos, which celebrate and support the drug cartels. The science of political sociology addresses the power relationship that exists between a state, its citizens, and the state's social groups. This study investigates the political sociology of each period, specifically how society viewed the cartel and their roles within the cartel. I argue that the narcocorridos accurately describe the evolution of narcoculture in Mexican society. This study consists of analyses of narcocorrido song lyrics, the political sociology of each time period, and finally, the societal perception of the drug cartel. First, I will evaluate the most popular songs' lyrics of the three defining time periods in the Mexican Drug Cartel history. Next, I will analyze the lyrics and determine whether or not they accurately reflect the political sociological features of the time period. Last, I will discuss what the societal perceptions of being associated with the cartel were during each time period. This study concludes by hypothesizing what the future of narcocorriodos will be. This prediction will demonstrate how the songs will continue to reflect the political sociology of the time period, including the societal attitudes towards the cartel.
ContributorsRichardson, Katherine Ann (Author) / Rothenberg, Daniel (Thesis director) / Canales, Carlos (Committee member) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / Department of Psychology (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2016-05