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A prior experiment by Li and colleagues found that when participants rated same sex faces in physical attractiveness, their self-reports of religiosity were higher in comparison to those that rated opposite sex faces. Could this be due to participants feeling their sexuality was threatened or misunderstood? In the current experiment,

A prior experiment by Li and colleagues found that when participants rated same sex faces in physical attractiveness, their self-reports of religiosity were higher in comparison to those that rated opposite sex faces. Could this be due to participants feeling their sexuality was threatened or misunderstood? In the current experiment, we attempted to replicate these findings and extend them by using a pseudo personality test that presented false feedback to participants. This feedback explained that their personalities were similar to homosexual or heterosexual people. Four hundred and fifty participants from Amazon Mturk were randomized into these conditions. We also measured homophobia, moral values, and the believability of the experiment. Results displayed no replication of the original findings. Men were more homophobic than women, while displaying lower moral values and religiosity. Those that self-reported being more homophobic also reported being more religious and moral. In conditions of sexual threat (homosexual personality, same sex faces) and sexual comfort (heterosexual personality, opposite sex faces), self-reports of moral values increased. Participants that reported believing the feedback displayed higher religiosity in both sexual threat and sexual comfort conditions. For a more concrete understanding of the relationship between religiosity, mating goals, and threats to sexuality, more research needs to be performed.
ContributorsHobaica, Steven Matthew (Author) / Cohen, Adam (Thesis director) / Knight, George (Committee member) / Neuberg, Steven (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / School of International Letters and Cultures (Contributor) / Department of Psychology (Contributor) / College of Public Programs (Contributor)
Created2014-12
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Pima was not the original name for the tribe of the Native Americans that lived along the Gila River, but their name is only one of many changes this tribe has faced due to the influence of outside sources. Pima was a name given to this tribe by the Spaniards

Pima was not the original name for the tribe of the Native Americans that lived along the Gila River, but their name is only one of many changes this tribe has faced due to the influence of outside sources. Pima was a name given to this tribe by the Spaniards during the 1600s. Throughout history the Pima have fought not only for their rights as a nation, but also for the rights of their beloved river, the Gila River. The relationship between the Pima tribe and Gila River is a very strong and deep connection. In fact, the Pima call themselves A-a'tam, which means "the people," and they identify with the Papago, a historical name for the Indians in the Sonoran Desert. A'kimult, which means "river" was added to their name as well. Being known as the River People may fit perfectly with this tribe due to their close knit and respectful relationship with the river over the decades (Russell, "The Pima Indians, 1975). Today the Pima call the Gila River Indian Community their main Tribal headquarters, which is located south of Phoenix. The Gila River Indian Community (GRIC) is part of both the Pinal and Maricopa counties and has a land area of 583.749 square miles ("Brownfields", 2010). Water deprivation and a bleak agricultural economy are challenges facing the Pima, which historically were strong in both areas. The Gila River has gone from a naturally flowing river to a restricted and nearly dried up waterbed. This research paper will examine the changes that both the Pima and the Gila River have undergone since settlers began to claim land in the late 1800's. It is my goal to look into the natural history and ecology of the Gila River and explain how this change has affected the Pima and their sustainability as a tribe. The ultimate goal is to have information easily accessible for reference for future research projects and to ] provide background information to help implement new programs and projects that will benefit the GRIC. Understanding the relationship between the Gila Valley and Pima will present areas where sustainable projects can improve the economy and society as a whole. The Native Americans who will be specifically addressed during this research are the tribes on the GRIC, which comprise the Akimel O-odham (Pima) and Pee Posh (Maricopa). These communities have a resident population of 15,084 and are located in the Maricopa and Pinal counties of central Arizona, to the south and east of metropolitan Phoenix ("Brownfields", 2010). Today the community is 372,000 acres and varies with an elevation of 935 feet to 1,450 feet ("Gila River", 2012). Literature will be the primary area of research along with informal discussions with employees of the GRIC. The Pimas' beliefs, interests, and practices will be addressed and researched; and review of the literature that deals with each problem they have faced as a result of the changing economy and society. By researching the relationship and proposing new ideas to help maintain the GRIC it will assure that the interests of the Pima are the priority. The potential that this research project can offer must encompass cultural sustainability, which is "developing, renewing and maintaining human cultures that create positive, enduring relationships with other peoples and the natural world" (Hawkes, 2001).
ContributorsRagan, McKenzie (Author) / Martinez, David (Thesis director) / Larson, Kelli (Committee member) / Manetta, Carol (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / School of Sustainability (Contributor) / College of Public Programs (Contributor)
Created2012-12